Wednesday, December 28, 2016

TO FDC, INDEED, I WILL CONTINUE DOING THINGS MY OWN WAY AS LONG AS I KNOW OR EVEN THINK WRONGLY OR RIGHTLY WHAT I AM DOING IS THE RIGHT THING


So true! I am being bombarded by lethal attacks by FDC activists accusing me of siding with Museveni to destroy FDC and render Dr. Kizza Besigye irrelevant.
It is a simple principle that he who alleges proves. In fact one of them - the most vitriolic one Joseph Tumushabe belittled me by saying my value is shillings 700,000. Surely, 700,000 that cannot buy me a second-hand suit?
I don't like to brag because my grandmother Susanna Kirakwende socialised me to be humble, just, fair but most importantly to be very principled. My grandma taught me to invariably be as sturdy as a concrete wall when you take a stand against injustice.
My friend Timothy Kalyegira told me that Ugandans lack nuance patience and organisation. How can a party whose ideology is extortion and merciless dispossession that started 11 years ago targeting elections ever dream to be stronger than the oldest party that is sixty years old with values that it has instilled into every nook and corner of the country premised on the ideology of justice?
It's possible that some people didn't think through the words that they put down in the founding documents but it doesn't mean if they called me the name Judith for instance that is widely believed to be a female name it would make me a woman. That some people wrongly say and think that DP is a centre right party doesn't mean its is. Right wing and left wing politics denote politics based on capitalism and socialism respectively?
I followed intently the FDC primaries that pitted Dr. Besigye and Maj Gen Mugisha Muntu. While I admired both men for I have sat with both of them and admire the humility but also the expressed vision, I chose to support Dr. Besigye never mind that I was not a voter. Personally, I do my work intellectual or otherwise using social media as a tool.
While I am a social justice crusader, socialist and human rights defender, my source of livelihood is academic research. So, I may call myself a researcher but I have been warned never to dare call myself a researcher by some people since I have no PhD.
In a meeting at Makerere Primary School (along the road to Bwaise, forgive me if I got the name wrongly because there is another school up in tank hill called I think Makerere Primary school) preparing for the registration of FDC that Maj Gen Mugisha Muntu and Ingrid Turinawe facilitated, we had Mzee Mawanda (from Ishaka - I forget his first name but his son Giles former Guild President of Mbarara University of Science and Technology and also my former classmate at the Makerere Law School ) argued strongly that we need to form an alliance either an orange democratic movement or rainbow coalition to ensure DP has to pray a key role. Mawanda told us and I want Ingrid or Gen Muntu that he was a DP and as a DP he is stuck to principles of truth and justice but was ready to work with you for purposes of removing Museveni who had become an anathema.
I remember in that meeting I had comrade Sam Mugumya and other then Reform Agenda activists sadly from only Kigezi and Ankole. I asked myself, "is this a tribal meeting?". By all standards the Bakiga and Banyankore are the same people culturally and I even don't know why they would be called different ethnically. Actually when I talk about Banyankole and bakiga the bahororo from Rukungiri are included. I wonder whether there should be an ethnic group called Bahororo when there is no language called Ruhororo. What determines an ethnic group is the language and language is the far most important aspect of culture. Forgive me I lost my SOCIOLOGY notes. I hope my sociology teacher Steven Arojjo will give me a refresher lecture on culture.
Lest I digress, I was incensed that we were forming the first tribal that was engineered at catering not for national interests but interests of an ethnic group called Banyankole-Bakiga and I sensed that was going to be a recipe for disaster.
The other preparatory meeting for the formation of FDC that I attended was at Katonga Road at Chaapa Karuhanga's premises. All the attendants were from Bushenyi but still I didn't believe this where I belonged. Meanwhile, while I was in Reform Agenda I was also in UYD. I remember in the first Reform Agenda meeting where we had elections, we elected Sam Mugumya unanimously but the person who influenced the unanimous election of comrade Mugumya was none other than Asuman Basalirwa. If I am not mistaken Asuman by then was still a DP. I always joke with him that he is still DP in any case the ideology and objectives of JEEMA and those of DP are the same.
It's this very Asuman Basalirwa who had spoken severally that there is nothing wrong with forming parties dominated by particular societies and over time I have seen Dr. Simba Kayunga a political science expert, agree that the predominance of Catholics in DP was inevitable because they had historically been marginalised. Propagandists up to this time brand that wisdom sectarianism. Of course, given that majority Catholics socialised their children to be just, fair and principled as opposed to protestants who socialised theirs to be shrewd, cunning and crafty, if they were to succeed in all aspects of life - politics, business and any others it became imperative that the protestant-based UPC had to use treachery, propaganda and all forms of manipulations and deception to raise to the top.
That explains why DP (derogatorily called Dini Ya Papa lost the independence elections because the Anglican leaning Kabaka Yekka and the Anglican Party UPC which was teasingly called United Protestants of Canterbury made an unholy alliance with the of the father and the son but without the Holy Spirit.
Last year on a presentation of findings about the Uganda elections by a professor from Durham University, where Prof John-Jean Barya was a discussant and Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere gave a review, I was shocked to learn that DP had more votes but was just denied power. That's why the likes of John-Jean Barya and others then had wanted DP to have an armed wing which they wanted to be called DPA (Democratic Party Army).
Semo explained the situation and named people who were at the threat of danger to their lives and he resolved that DP would rather stay out of power. Semo explained how Francis Bwengye the then DP secretary general went to Nairobi and addressed the press saying DP was launching an armed war, a reason that made Ssemogerere fire him from SG position.
With exception of the few renegades from DP notably Ogenga Latigo, Kassiano Wadri (who was Chairman DP Parliamentary caucus), all the key pillars of FDC are products of UPC, UPM and NRM. According to John-Jean, UPC,gave birth to UPM and UPM begat NRM therefore NRM is a grandchild of UPC which has inherited the election-rigging DNA from the grandfather UPC only that the rigging of NRM has been much more perfected.
Since FDC is a great-grandchild of UPC one should not get shocked and surprised if the FDC perfected rigging to the magnitude of Sadam's Iraq.
WHY DO I BELIEVE FDC WILL BE WORSE THAN NRM
While NRM practices capitalism, it has a few voices that still profess socialism, pan Africanism and Ubuntu. At least by speech. People like Elly Gen Elly Tumwine and Kirunda Kivejjinja have consistently decried exploitation, pomp, pageantry and ostentation. Indeed, Gen Elly Tumwine always expresses disdain for phantom wealth, wealth that is not based on eternal values. It is not surprising that Gen Elly Tumwine is the champion of Volunteers Anticorruption Crrusade Africa (VACOCA).
Ugandans should get worried by the continued association by FDC with the Britain's Conservative Party and the IDU which a far-right wing political parties which are diametrically opposed to immigration, social security and the provision of social economic rights generally. In Uganda, the single most role of the state is provision for what Political Scientist Prof. Rotberg calles political goods. Sorry, FDC you don't stand for the provision of political goods at leats based onyour political alignment. An idealistic young man Ronald Muhinda hit my inbox and told me FDC is centre leftist and that is why it belongs to IDU. General Maj Gen Mugisha Muntu, Hon Wafula Oguttu, Hon Augustine Ruzindana, Nathan Nandala-Mafabi, Proscovia Salaamu-Musumba and my very good brother and friend Odonga Otto, please teach your followers your party's ideology. It is Mwambutsya Ndebesa who consistently asks "DP's ideology is justice, UPC Pan-Africanism (although when they were in power it should be debated whether marginalising Catholics was Pan Africanism), Ndebesa asks "What is the ideology of FDC?"
Finally, one point that touches my spiritual family: it is now said everywhere that before the Anglican colonialists left they left in place an arrangement that would ensure no catholic would ever be the president. While I don't want to believe that blindly, I am not judgmental, in otherwise I don't judge people on the basis of rumours spread about them, who they are or on the basis of other misperceptionsms, kindly as FDC, give the party's observation about this rumour which may actually be true.
Explain to us as well whether the ability or absence thereaof to govern (not rule) this country must be dependent on whether and how long you have been associated with Museveni. Like Norbert Mao rightly states " Museveni walked on dead bodies up to state house". Is it not true that Mugisha Maj Gen Mugisha Muntu and Kizza Besigye were Museveni's bodyguards as he walked on those bodies? If we are to apportion responsibility like we are now doing, would Muntu or Besigye or even Amama Mbabazi be accused for complicity. So, why should we trust accessories to the crime and denounce those whose hands are as pure as purity itself.
On a very serous note, the colours of the flags also matter. Things Ugandan are prophetic. I have shared with Norbert Mao the prophecies in Ezekiel and revelations. Green Colour for DP symbolises life while white symbolises purity. Norbert Mao's uncles and maternal brother's and sisters from Ngarama in Isingiro and indeed all of us from Ankole-Kigezi, Toro and Bunyoro know that the DP flag represents amagara noburiwera (life and holiness).
After the 2010 elections, I wrote the prophesy that i had been given by God and took the letter to the Inspector General's office and gave copies to some other people, I hope JK Zirabamuzaale has it. I wrote to the IGP not seeking his permission or even security but informing him that I was taking a non-motional, peaceful protest at the desecrated constitutional square and that it would end after the wicked, demonic, nefarious regime had collapsed and replaced by the holy, anointed theocracy led by the Democratic Party under the godly leadership of Norbert Mao. I was violently picked from there stuck in CPS dungeons for four days. From there they took me to the usual place - Butabika.
While they took me on a Thursday, on Friday JK Zirabamuzale brought me a computer and modem. I sent my column in the Razor Newspaper that was published on Monday or Tuesday. They must have been very shocked!
We must all embrace the crusade for equality, justice by joining the Democratic Party. We are ready. We are endowed with brain power - I am sure nobody disputes the mental faculties of people like Jean-Barya, Oloka-Onyango, Archangel Rukooko and Fredrick Jjuko who are our very own since they have never recanted the principles of truth and justice. I am sure nobody disputes Norbert Mao's mathematical brain. I don't care whether you doubt my scientific mind! After all we are not in a contest for brains but a struggle for justice that will end the rotten, filthy capitalist system.
FOR TRUTH AND JUSTICE
END
VINCENT VESSY Vincent Vessy Nuwagaba
0702843552
vnuwagaba@gmail.com

OPEN LETTER TO THE CHAIRMAN ELECTORAL COMMISSION ENGINEER DR BADRU M. KIGGUNDU

I refer to the letter to the Returning Officer, Mitooma Electoral District referenced LEG 75/79/01 dated 10th December, 2015 entitled “Complaint by Mr. Vincent Nuwagaba on failure to be nominated for the Ruhinda North Parliamentary Seat, Mitooma District”.
The letter goes, “Please find herein attached a copy of a complaint on the above captioned requiring your attention. The Commission will appreciate a response on the concerns raised in regard to the nomination exercise; and further be informed that the Commission will sit to determine the same on Friday 18th December, 2015 at 9.20am, to which you are invited; and by copy of this communication, Mr. Vincent Nuwagaba is hereby invited to attend the said meeting”. The letter was signed by Eng. Dr. Badru M. Kiggundu, chairperson, Electoral Commission and only copied to me. My phone contacts were provided on the letter yet nobody called me.
The letter is written on 10th and it takes 8 days before reaching MISR. What courier company does the EC use?
The meeting is scheduled for 9AM and the letter inviting a complainant to attend the meeting arrives at 1:45. What Mischief did the commission exactly intend to cure?
On Monday 14th I was arrested and detained at Jinja Road Police station. The cause of my arrest was an attempt to go to the EC to demand my right to get nominated. If they had already written the letter on 10th, why didn’t they simply give the letter to me?
I am scheduled to report to police today on charges of common nuisance. Yet I had my head shattered by the police commanded by the OC EC SSP Besigye. What kind of Uganda are we trying to build?
The letter is written to the returning officer and only copied to me. Why wouldn’t they invite Thomas Tayebwa as well because my complaint accused Tayebwa primarily?
The EC was furnished with my phone contacts and email address. In this Millennium three generation, why wouldn’t the commission send me an email, a text message, or make a phone call to me? What sort of institution is Uganda’s “Independent” Electoral Commission? How independent is the IEC? How efficient and effective is the IEC? How fair, impartial and neutral is this institution that is an arbiter in our political contests?
Why doesn’t the IEC chairman put to task the Returning Officer, Mitooma District to document in writing the causes for which he refused to nominate me?
Vincent Vessy Nuwagaba
Parliamentary Aspirant, Ruhinda North
+256702843552/+256772843552
vnuwagaba@gmail.com

OPEN LETTER TO THE CHAIRMAN ELECTORAL COMMISSION ENGINEER DR BADRU M. KIGGUNDU


I refer to the letter to the Returning Officer, Mitooma Electoral District referenced LEG 75/79/01 dated 10th December, 2015 entitled “Complaint by Mr. Vincent Nuwagaba on failure to be nominated for the Ruhinda North Parliamentary Seat, Mitooma District”.
The letter goes, “Please find herein attached a copy of a complaint on the above captioned requiring your attention. The Commission will appreciate a response on the concerns raised in regard to the nomination exercise; and further be informed that the Commission will sit to determine the same on Friday 18th December, 2015 at 9.20am, to which you are invited; and by copy of this communication, Mr. Vincent Nuwagaba is hereby invited to attend the said meeting”. The letter was signed by Eng. Dr. Badru M. Kiggundu, chairperson, Electoral Commission and only copied to me. My phone contacts were provided on the letter yet nobody called me.
The letter is written on 10th and it takes 8 days before reaching MISR. What courier company does the EC use?
The meeting is scheduled for 9AM and the letter inviting a complainant to attend the meeting arrives at 1:45. What Mischief did the commission exactly intend to cure?
On Monday 14th I was arrested and detained at Jinja Road Police station. The cause of my arrest was an attempt to go to the EC to demand my right to get nominated. If they had already written the letter on 10th, why didn’t they simply give the letter to me?
I am scheduled to report to police today on charges of common nuisance. Yet I had my head shattered by the police commanded by the OC EC SSP Besigye. What kind of Uganda are we trying to build?
The letter is written to the returning officer and only copied to me. Why wouldn’t they invite Thomas Tayebwa as well because my complaint accused Tayebwa primarily?
The EC was furnished with my phone contacts and email address. In this Millennium three generation, why wouldn’t the commission send me an email, a text message, or make a phone call to me? What sort of institution is Uganda’s “Independent” Electoral Commission? How independent is the IEC? How efficient and effective is the IEC? How fair, impartial and neutral is this institution that is an arbiter in our political contests?
Why doesn’t the IEC chairman put to task the Returning Officer, Mitooma District to document in writing the causes for which he refused to nominate me?
Vincent Vessy Nuwagaba
Parliamentary Aspirant, Ruhinda North
+256702843552/+256772843552
vnuwagaba@gmail.com

Thursday, June 11, 2015

THE DOSSIER THAT KIZZA BESIGYE AUTHORED IN 1999, A DOCUMENT THAT CHANGED NRM FACE FOR GOOD


BY KIZZA BESIGYE
I have taken keen interest and participated in the political activities on the Ugandan scene since the late 1970s. This was during a period of intense jostling to topple and later succeed the Idi Amin regime. I am, therefore, fully aware of the euphoria, excitement and hope with which Ugandans received the Uganda National Liberation Front/Army (UNLF/A).
Ugandans supported the UNLF’s stated approach of "politics of consensus" through the common front. It was hoped that the new approach to politics would be maintained and Uganda rebuilt from the ruins left by the Amin regime. Unfortunately, instead of nurturing the structures, and regulations which bound the front together, we witnessed a primitive power struggle that resulted in ripping the front apart to the chagrin of the population.
Some of us young people were immediately thrown into serious confusion. We had not belonged to any political party before, and we did not approve of the record and character of the existing parties – UPC and DP. Spontaneously, many people started talking of belonging to a Third Force.
This force represented those persons who wished to make a fresh start at political organization, with unity and consensus politics as the centre pin. With a few months left to the 1980 elections, the Third Force crystallized into a new political organization– the Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM).
The population, to a large extent, expressed their appreciation of the ideas and opportunity presented by the young organization, but was pessimistic regarding its electoral success.
Pessimism was justified, because the new organisation simply had no time and resources to organize effectively nationally; and UPC was already positioning itself very loudly and arrogantly to rig the elections and seemed to have what was essential for them to do so successfully.
After the sham 1980 elections, when Paulo Muwanga, a leader of UPC (and chairman of the Military Commission) took over all powers of the Electoral Commission and declared his own election results, there was widespread despondency and tension. While the "minority" DP Members of Parliament took up the opposition benches in Parliament, the rank and file of the party rapidly united behind the new forces of resistance to struggle against the dictatorial rule.
The Popular Resistance Army (PRA and later, NRA) led by Yoweri Museveni which started with about 30 fighters, was overwhelmed by people seeking to join its ranks. The NRM was born as a political organization in June 1981.

It was created by a protocol that effected the merger of Uganda Freedom Fighters UFF (led by the late Prof Y.K. Lule and Museveni’s PRA). The armed wing of the organization became the National Resistance Army (NRA). The NRM political programme was initially based on seven points which were later increased to become the well-known Ten-Point Programme.
The basic consideration in drawing up the programme was that it should form the basis of a broad national political and social force. A national coalition was considered to be of critical importance in establishing peace, security, and optimally moving the country forward.
The political programme was, therefore, referred to as a minimum programme around which different political forces in Uganda could unite for rehabilitation and recovery of the country.

To achieve unity, it was envisaged that the minimum programme would be implemented by a broad-based government. After the bush war, discussions were undertaken with the various political forces to establish a broad-based government that would reflect a national consensus.
The NRM set up a committee led by Eriya Kategeya (then chairman of the NRM Political and Diplomatic committee) for the purpose of engaging the various groups in these discussions. This exercise was, however, never taken to its logical conclusion.
It would appear that once the leaders of the political parties were given "good" posts in the NRM government, their enthusiasm for the discussions waned, and the process eventually fizzled out. In spite of the lack of a proper modus operandi, the initial NRM government (executive branch) was impressively broad-based.
Consensus politics conducted through elections based on individual merit and formation of broad-based government became the hallmark of the NRM.
Broad base undermined
However, the popular concept of the broad-based government, which had also received support of most political groups, was progressively undermined. It ought to be remembered that due to the support and cooperation of other political groups, no legal restrictions were imposed –on political parties until August 11, 1992 when the NRC made a resolution on political party activities in the interim period.
In my opinion, there were three factors responsible for undermining and later destroying the NRM cardinal principle of broad-basedness, especially in appointment to the Executive: The NRM had set itself to serve for a period of four years as an interim government, then return power to the people. However, it was not very clear how this would happen at the end of the four years.
Some politicians in NRM government who came from other political parties set out to use their advantaged positions to, on the one hand, undermine the NRM and on the other, strengthen themselves in preparation for the post-NRM political period. Consequently, they fell out with the NRM leadership, and a number of them were arrested and charged with treason.
Historical NRM politicians who thought that they were not "appropriately" placed in government, blamed this on the large number of the "non-NRM" people in high up places, and set out to campaign against the situation.
They created a distinction between government leaders as "NRM", and "broad-based". If you were referred to as "broad-based", it was another way of saying that you were undeserving of your post, or that you were possibly an enemy agent ("5th Columnist").
After some years of NRM rule, some in the leadership began to feel that there was sufficient grassroots support for the NRM, such that one could "off-load" the "broad–based" elements in government at no political cost.
These factors were at the centre of an unprincipled power-struggle which was mostly covert and hence could not be resolved democratically. It continued to play itself out outside the formal Movement organs, with the results of weakening and eventually losing the concept of consensus politics and broad-basedness. By the time of the Constituent Assembly elections were held in 1994, the NRM’s all encompassing, and broad-based concept remained only in name.
For instance, while the CA electoral law clearly stated that candidates would stand on "individual merit", the NRM Secretariat set up special commercial committees at districts whose task was to recommend "NRM candidates" for support.
Not only did the logistical and administrative machinery of NRM move against the candidates supporting or suspected to be favouring early return to multi-party politics, it even moved against liberal candidates advocating for the initial NRM broad–based concept.
That is why many people were surprised and confused when some senior NRM leaders declared that "we have won!" after the CA results were announced. Who had won? It was clear that there were two systems; one described in the law, and another being practiced.
Moreover, the conduct of the CA, again exhibited the contradictions between the principles of NRM (and the law), and the practice. I was quite alarmed when I read a document titled ‘Minutes Of A Meeting Between H.E The President with CA Group Held On 25.8.94 At Kisozi.’ The copy had been availed to me by my colleague Lt Col Serwanga Lwanga (RIP) who attended the meeting.
Present at the meeting were recorded as: H.E. the President (Chair), Eriya Kategaya, Bidandi Ssali, Steven Chebrot, Agard Didi, George Kanyeihamba. Miria Matembe, Mathias Ngobi, Mr Sebalu, Lt Noble Mayombo, Jotham Tumwesigye, Aziz Kasujja, Beatrice Lagada, Faith Mwonda and Margaret Zziwa.
The introduction of the meeting reads in part as follows: The National Political Commissar introduced this committee as a Constituent Assembly Movement Group which wants to agree on a common position.
 
The arbitrary hand-picked group went ahead to take positions on major areas of the draft constitution, which we members of CA, (considered as "NRM supporters"), were supposed to support in the CA. It is interesting to note that among the 16 hand-picked members of the group, only six were directly elected to represent constituencies in the CA.
The others were presidential nominees and representatives of special interest groups. One member was not even a CA delegate. We strongly resisted this approach, and after intense pushing and shoving, this group was replaced by the "Movement caucus" under the chairmanship of the National Political Commissar, Kategaya.
<p>Changing movement</p>
The Movement caucus acted very much like an organ of a ruling party. All ministers (except Paul Ssemogerere who later resigned from government) were members. The hand-picked group, and the Movement caucus after it, both undermined the principles of the Movement and the law.
The Constituent Assembly was negatively influenced by executive appointments. In the middle of the CA proceedings, a cabinet reshuffle saw Speciosa Kazibwe elevated to the vice presidency, Kintu Musoke to premier and several other delegates appointed to ministerial posts.
Many others were appointed to be directors of parastatal companies. It is my opinion that after these actions, some CA delegates took positions believed to attract the favourable attention of the executive. Most CA delegates also intended to participate in the elections that would immediately follow the CA.
<p>This had two negative effects:</p>
Being aware of the previous role of the NRM Secretariat in elections, some CA delegates would be compromised to act in such a way as to win the support of the secretariat in the forthcoming elections. Some CA delegates saw themselves as the first beneficiaries of the government structure and arrangements that were being constitutionalised.
So, they took positions which would favour them, and not the common good. As a result, the CA progressively became polarized, and its objectivity was diminished, especially when dealing with political systems. For example, at the commencement of the CA, every delegate made an opening statement highlighting major views on the draft constitution.
Analysis of these statements shows that few delegates supported the immediate introduction of multiparty system while the majority supported the continuation of the "Movement system" for a transitional period of varying length.
The positions expressed were very much in line with the views gathered by the Constitutional Commission. The commission noted in its report (paragraph 0.46) that a consensus on the issue could not be attained.
This was demonstrated by the statistical analysis of views gathered from RC 1 to RC V, plus individual and group memoranda. It will be seen that nationally, at RC 1, "Movement" supporters were 63.2% and this percentage decreased progressively as they went to higher RCs until RCV (District Councils) where Movement supporters were only 38.9% and multiparty supporters were 52.8%.
Among the individual memoranda, 43.9% supported a multiparty system, while 42.1% supported Movement. Among the group memoranda, 45.1% supported multiparty, while 41.4% supported Movement. It is important to note that these views were gathered at a time when there was no impending election, and therefore, no campaigning.
Accordingly, the Constitutional Commission proposed the following, as the only limitation on political party activities (in Article 98 of Draft Constitution): "For the period when the Movement is in existence, political parties shall not endorse, sponsor, offer platform to or in anyway campaign for or against any candidate for public office."
The CA under the influences outlined earlier ended up with restrictions contained in the highly contentious article 269 of the Constitution. The character of the Movement gradually changed, and the process of change was not determined democratically. Instead, it was continuously manipulated.
Established Movement organs were continuously undetermined, and others completely ignored. For example, the National Executive Committee (NEC) of NRM was the organ supposed to be coordinating change in the NRM, yet NEC had not met for more than three years prior to the promulgation of the 1995 constitution – in spite of a requirement for it to meet at last once every three months. Instead, covert and arbitrarily constituted groups came in, like district election committees, special CA groups, Movement political High Command, Movement caucus, Maj Kakooza Mutale’s group, etc.
The Movement created by the CA and completed by Parliament (through the Movement Act 1997) was different from the one of 1986-1995.
The Movement Act 1997 created a political organization with structures outside the governmental structure. For the first time, the Movement was a political organization distinct from government, the only remaining link being that it was funded by the government.
Unfortunately, instead of describing the Movement as a political organization, the CA chose to call it a political system – distinct from "Multiparty Political System", and other systems that may be thought of later. This was, in my opinion, a grave error. We even ignored advice given to us through a letter by President Yoweri Museveni (chairman NRM and Commander in Chief NRA) to the CA-NRM caucus delegates, dated June 21, 1995.
In the letter, the chairman says, "the NRM is not a state but a political organization that tries to welcome all Ugandans. It therefore cannot coerce all Ugandans to be loyal to it. Loyalty to NRM is voluntary."
 
The reality of the Movement today is that it is a political organization in much the same way as any political party is. Having no membership cards does not make it less so. In fact, in the letter referred to above, President Museveni further explains: "then some people may ask the question.
If NRM could be already to compete for political office with opposing political forces in future, why not do it now? Do not support doing it now because it is not in the best [interest] of governance and fortunately now the people still agree with us. It is only when the majority of the people change that we have to adjust our position.
It would be something imposed on us by circumstances." So the NRM/Movement system is a convenient and, for the time, popular means to political power.
<p>Manipulation</p>
The characteristics which made the NRM government popular, such as the broad- based strategy, principle of individual merit, and the 10-Point Programme have been seriously eroded. This is evidenced by the bitter antagonism and animosity which exists between Movement supporters in many parts of the country, e.g. Kabale, Ntungamo, Kasese and Iganga.
After more than 13 years of NRM rule, armed rebellion rages on in northern Uganda, and has also become entrenched in the western part of the country. All in all, when I reflect on the Movement philosophy and governance, I can conclude that the Movement has been manipulated by those seeking to gain or retain political power, in the same way that political parties in Uganda were manipulated.
Evidently, the results of this manipulation are also the same, to wit: Factionalism, loss of faith in the system, corruption, insecurity and abuse of human rights, economic distortions and eventually decline. So, whether it’s political parties or Movement, the real problem is dishonest, opportunistic and undemocratic leadership operating in a weak institutional framework and a weak civil society which cannot control them.
I have shown that over the years the "Movement System" has been defined in the law in a certain way, but the leaders have chosen to act in a difficult way. This is dishonest and opportunistic leadership. I have also shown how changes have been made to the Movement agenda, and other important decisions have been made outside the Movement structures.
This too is undemocratic leadership. In my opinion, the way forward in developing a stable political situation is to do the following: Urgently revisit the legal framework with a view to making an equitable law and regulation for all political organizations.
The Movement should be treated as a political organization. Implementing this would need amendments to the Constitution, including amendment of articles 69 and 74. This requires the approval of the people through a referendum and the forthcoming referendum could be used for this purpose. In any case, laws are a reflection of the political will, so if there is political will to correct a situation, finding a way is easy.
The primary guarantor of democracy, human rights and the rule of law must be the civil society. Its capacity should, therefore, be quickly developed. Focus on a programme that could quickly raise the standards of living of our people to a decent level. This is an essential antecedent for our society to build a viable democracy.
Of course, the approach to raising the standards of living is highly debatable. I have personal views that I hope to share with the public at another time. I pray to the almighty God to guide us so that we do not tumble again.
 
KIZZA BESIGYE

Monday, November 24, 2014

MY CONCLUSIVE PROMISE AS THE NEXT CHAIRMAN MAKERERE UNIVERSITY CONVOCATION



BY VINCENT NUWAGABA

As Makerere heads to the polls for the convocation elections on the 13th December 2014, I am offering myself to provide strategic leadership to the university. I am not standing because I need to elevate myself but because I need to elevate the university to which I belong. Ultimately, if the university is elevated, I will equally be elevated and everyone associated with it will be elevated. I am fully convinced that if Makerere regains its number one position in Africa, all of us holders of Makerere University credentials will highly be respected wherever we are. It is our duty now to work for the elevation of Makerere University. Accordingly, I am standing as Chairman Makerere University Convocation for the following reasons:
1) My leadership will work tooth and nail to ensure that Makerere University has its own publishing house akin to what other prestigious universities do own. The Makerere University printery shall give way for Makerere University Publishers/Press. Prof Christopher Mbazira of the School of Law in particular told me that whenever and wherever he travels outside and he syas he is from Makerere, the first question he is asked “Why doesn’t Makerere have a publishing House?” The usefulness of a publishing house cannot be overemphasized. With a publishing house, Makerere Faculty members will start teaching people using their own books because it is easy to publish. As we talk now even Mawazo Journal is defunct. This is quite unfortunate and we the alumni have to do a lot to redeem the image of our alma mater
2) During my leadership Makerere University shall run a weekly News Magazine wherein I and other prominent alumni and staff will run regular columns on issues of governance, constitutionalism, rule of law, democracy and all societal issues from a holistic perspective. There is nothing that stops Makerere University Convocation from running a weekly magazine. We still live in the nostalgia of The Transition Magazine.
3) My leadership shall erect a radio station with a national and regional (East African) coverage with a view to engaging the entire populace on issues that matter. The programmes will be broadcast in various languages. In the near future, we shall pool resources and have a television station. We must work through and with the media if Makerere is to regain its past glory. And, I insist all is possible. It only requires us to decide that we want a, b and c. Remember there is nothing impossible (Luke 1: 37) since ours is a world of possibilities.
4) My leadership shall start a serious research institute to carry out academic research but also applied research that is necessary for development. This will equip our young but talented graduates to build a career in research. For sure, research is a sine qua non for development. This will also help curb graduate employment whereby the most brilliant graduates will be employed in the convocation research institute. This will ultimately curb the evil practice of having coursework mercenaries in and around Makerere University.
5) My leadership will put in place a sturdy secretariat of not less than fifty members to purely run convocation matters. I feel so sad to find that memberless NGOs far outshine Makerere University Convocation, an organisation to which all alumni and members of staff are members.
6) I, together with my team shall create a data base of everybody who has gone through the gates of Makerere as a student, lecturer, professor, and administration staff or even support staff. This data base will help us reach out to key stakeholders to provide solutions that have beset Makerere University. I am sure we have alumni who if well mobilized and reached out to each one can donate not a minimum of $400 to Makerere University. But alas, here we are crying that we do not have money and the only source is by increasing students’ fees. This is a short-lived measure and breeds strikes instead but does not build for the future that we desire.
7) I shall fight root and branch, body, mind and soul, left, right and centre for the welfare of Makerere University students for they are all our young siblings and we are their big brothers and sisters.
8) During my tenure as a university council member, fees increments will be a thing of the past. Section 2 of the Universities and Tertiary Institutions Act (UTIA) is clear. A public university is run out of public funds. What it means is that all students of Makerere University including private sponsored students must never be denied access on the basis of exorbitant and prohibitive fees. Private students are in particular meant to be subsidised.
9) My leadership will take Makerere University convocation to the people in the countryside including to all East African countries and the diaspora. Thus, we shall have a regional office for each of the four regions respectively; we shall have convocation offices in Rwanda, Kenya, Tanzania, Burundi but also South Sudan. And we shall have an office in the Diaspora to make Makerere a global University.
10) My leadership will start a Makererean Think Tank on all socio-economic and political issues. This tank shall majorly do academic research and disseminate findings through publications and public fora. Never again will anything take place in Uganda without the input of thousands of intellectuals that Makerere has churned out.
11) My leadership will mobilise and organise all Makerere Alumni around issues of a socio-economic nature and ultimately we shall form a social movement that will dictate to our national and regional leaders on what must be done. This social movement if I can be allowed to borrow a leaf from the words of Martin Luther shall ensure that nobody in Uganda or outside bends their back to enable other people ride on it.
12) Via the data base, we shall share all the opportunities - jobs, scholarships, short fellowships, research grants and so forth to all Makerere Alumni and staff
13) My leadership will spearhead constitutional amendment to ensure that students also participate in the voting for the Convocation leadership. One may ask, “how can they vote yet they are not alumni and are not allowed to stand?” My answer to such a question is, there is nothing strange, there is nothing spectacular, there is nothing new or unique about it. We men vote for Women MPs but cannot stand. The justification is that women issues and concerns are directly or indirectly concerns of men. This is because every woman has either a husband or a father or a brother or a son. Likewise, the convocation is represented at the university council. Council is the supreme decision-making organ of the University. Council decisions affect students as well as staff. The convocation right now comprises of alumni and staff but not students. We need to make it more embracing and make the campaigns for leadership positions vibrant, open and more participatory and inclusive.
14) My leadership will routinely organize an Alumni Reunion day each year. On this day presentations from prominent alumni will be delivered with a view to charting a direction for the university. The alumni reunion day will be different from the AGM. But also, we shall have as and when necessary special or extraordinary general meetings to discuss pressing issues. The members will accordingly be part and parcel of running the convocation.
15) Our team shall make Identification Cards for Convocation members. This means that even if one lost their University student identification card, the Convocation can work as an alternative. This is handy especially given that after graduation one cannot get a student Identification card yet it is necessary especially while applying for any further studies either at Makerere or elsewhere.
16) Once elected into office, I shall in liaison with my team members establish a convocation advisory council of ten to twenty members comprising of outstanding former convocation leader (s), prominent academics, prominent businessmen/women, a prominent former guild president and prominent public/civil servant(s).
17) My leadership will classify members on the basis of voluntary subscriptions. We shall have platinum category of members, diamond category, gold category and silver category. We shall endear the alumni, staff members and former staff members to Makerere University by making the Convocation relevant.
18) My leadership will reinstate Convocation parties after graduation so that fresh graduates who might not have organised parties can attend the convocation party, cut a cake and have their parents entertained by Makerere University. Making parties for the fresh graduates is the best means of convoking them into the family of Makerere University alumni.
19) The money fundraised by the convocation members shall be used to enhance staff members' salaries, subsidise students fees, fund academic research and build a convocation complex, among others. Never again shall Makerere kneel before the head of state for funding because this dilutes the institution's independence.
The above and very many other ideas that will be generated by the distinguished convocation members, my team and I will ensure we begin on a journey of liberating Makerere University and ensuring that it lives up to its motto of “We build for the future”.
Contact: vnuwagaba@gmail.com/ vnuwagaba@chuss.mak.ac.ug cell: +256702843552

Thursday, November 13, 2014

PRAYER TO ALLOW PRIVATE STUDENTS SIT EXAMS



MAKERERE       UNIVERSITY              


                                                                                            P.O. BOX 7062 Kampala

21st December 2011

The Vice Chancellor, Makerere University
Professor   Venansius Baryamureba,
Dear Sir,

RE: PRAYER TO ALLOW PRIVATE STUDENTS SIT EXAMS
We humbly pray that students who have not finished paying their tuition but are duly registered students meaning they have paid at least sixty per cent of the fees be allowed to sit their exams. We make this request after witnessing cries from very many students some of whom are too dear to us and vulnerable in case they don’t sit the exams. Their failure to clear is attributable to the current economic down turn and the excruciating poverty among many Ugandans – peasants and the working class alike for we have many working poor but also largely because of the heartless tuition hike since 2009. At least we are sure that many students who have managed to pay 60% of the dues would have completed their dues had it not for the hike.  
Mr. Vice Chancellor, you need to know that quite a number of students including the very brilliant have dropped out due to exorbitant fees by Ugandan standards and this doesn’t augur well for a university whose motto is “We build for the future”. But also, this ultimately frustrates the efforts of the university administration and academic staff under your able leadership that is working tooth and nail to ensure that the university regains its past glory. Mr Vice Chancellor Sir, you have in your own words categorically stated that Makerere University fees are too high for an ordinary Ugandan during the Guild Session held in Africa Hall. Accordingly, you will understand our challenge and the quest for our prayer.
Mr Vice Chancellor, Makerere University is a public university which according to section 2 of the Universities and other Tertiary Institutions Act means a University established by the state and maintained under public funds. Accordingly, Makerere University is not a commercial enterprise and as such it must not frustrate the future of this country by denying students who have paid a substantial part of their dues and whose parents/guardians are committed to finishing their dues an opportunity to sit exams. Indeed, commercialization of the University is what Professor Mamdani decries in his book “Scholars in the Market Place”.
This request is buttressed by the fact that State House sponsored students have since time immemorial sat exams even when the State House has not cleared their dues. The irony is that the state house sponsored students are sponsored by taxpayers’ money including but not limited to other students’ parents, neighbours and relatives. This undermines both equality and non-discrimination which is not only illegal but morally repugnant.
Hence, allowing all registered students sit their exams will mean that the University Administration is ready to ensure equality, non-discrimination and human dignity which key principles of human rights enshrined in our constitution and all core human rights instruments.
We have been impelled to make this formal prayer to nip the looming strike in the bud that students have been hatching in regard to the aforementioned issues. At least we are sure that the demands that we are making are within your means to meet. Finally, while students are reading for exams, they are being psychologically tortured by the real possibility of failure to raise fees. This leaves students shattered.
As we build for the future.

Yours
1.       Vincent Nuwagaba , Human Rights Defender, Alumnus Makerere University

Sign……………………………………………………….
Email: vnuwagaba@gmail.com, cell +256712843552
2.       Bwete Archilles, LLB III, GRC, Representative School of Law, Makerere University Private Students’ Association, National Youth Chairman,Patriots Uganda
Sign ……………………………………………………….
Cell: +256702264811, email: abwete@law.mak.ac.ug
CC: DVC Academic Affairs, Makerere University
CC: Academic Registrar, Makerere University
CC:  Dean of Students, Makerere University
CC: President, Makerere Students Guild
CC: Chairman, Makerere University Convocation
CC: LC5 Councillor, Makerere University