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The activists protesting the high maternal deaths at the Constitutional Court. PHOTO BY STEPHEN OTAGE
By Anthony Wesaka
Posted Sunday, May 29 2011
Hundreds of concerned women, men, medical practitioners and people living with HIV/Aids on Friday, stormed the Constitutional Court to hear a case filed against government’s high maternal deaths.
The matter arose in March this year when a civil society group, Centre for Health Human Rights and Development together with three individuals; Prof Ben Twinomugisha, a lecturer at Makerere University, Ms Rodah Kukkiriza and Mr Valente Inziku dragged the Attorney General to the Court.
Clad in black T-shirts with words: ‘Not another needless death: Government stop the deaths of mothers now!’, the activists converged at the court premises at 8am and remained devoted throughout their stay.
The group accuse government of, among others, for failing to provide basic indispensable maternal facilities in government health services leading to high maternal deaths.
They further claim to be affected by the imprudent and unethical behaviour of health workers towards expectant mothers, an act, they say, is inconsistent with the Constitution.
At least 16 expectant mothers die each day during child birth or soon.
However, the State was not represented at the case which upset lawyers of the petitioners led by Mr David Kabanda. But this did not deter Court registrar, Erias Kisawuzi from moving to hear Mr Kabanda’s conference notes after which, he gave him an audience.
The registrar advised the lawyers to put their petition in order by June 7 and thereafter see if they could fix the matter for hearing citing a backlog of cases and judgments the justices have to attend to next month.
The petitioners want court to compel government to compensate families of mothers who have died due to negligence of health workers and none provision of basic maternal health care packages and be compensated because of rights violation.
Sunday, May 29, 2011
The Bahati bill is an enigma to the human rights defenders and the church
Vincent Nuwagaba
Posted on Monday December 21, 2009
I read Andrew Mwenda’s response to Bahati’s article in regard to what has been called the Bahati Bill currently in Parliament that seeks harsh penalties on homosexual relationships and I was left in a catch 22 situation. Although I am a human rights defender, I personally (and I am speaking in my individual capacity not for any organisation) think it is immoral to promote homosexuality as a human right. My position is debatable and I am yet to get somebody to convince me that homosexuality is a right worth promoting. I know fornication is also immoral from the Christian and Islamic perspective although it is not criminalised as long as two consenting adults do it privately.
Accordingly, the difference between homosexuality and fornication is that homosexuality is a crime here in Uganda while fornication is purely a moral issue and since Uganda is or claims to be a liberal country; Ugandans are at liberty to fornicate or not to. We have no liberty, however, to commit homosexuality. The argument that some people are born homosexuals, I cannot believe or disbelieve but all I know for sure is that where I grew up in Bushenyi, I have never seen anybody claiming to be born that way. Maybe, since premarital sex is also not rampant in the rural areas as young men and women restrain themselves, those born that way could also be restraining themselves.
That said though, I will strongly condemn and criticise whoever violates the rights of the homosexuals to privacy, to employment, to association as in belonging to a party or trade union etc. Of course when they associate and assemble as homosexuals to practice homosexuality the existing law should take its course. Therefore, my call to human rights defenders including Comrade Mwenda is that we should not promote homosexuality but defend their rights such as the right to privacy, freedom from torture inhuman and degrading treatment and punishment – which is by the way an absolute right enshrined in Uganda’s constitution, etc. In any case even the criminals have rights. The Bible says all have sinned and fallen short of God’s glory. But we remain human beings entitled to human dignity. This applies to both the homo and heterosexuals.
I radically disagree with anybody (including Pastor Martin Sempa whom I hold in high esteem) who feels the Bahati bill is necessary at this moment and I call upon the Catholic Church to which I belong to distance itself from the debate. The Bahati bill is neither a priority nor necessary. It is not a priority because we have teething problems that need urgent attention such as promotion of education, health, employment rights and grading our roads that have become death traps. Thus, I would agree with Professor Sylivia Tamale that the Bahati bill is aimed at diverting our attention from making demands that touch on our survival. It is unnecessary because sexual practices against the order of nature are already criminalised in the existing laws – i.e. in the Penal Code Act, cap 120, the laws of Uganda. Therefore, it is my considered view that this bill is aimed at two issues: 1) Diverting attention from the urgent problems such as excruciating poverty, hunger, potholes, corruption and unaffordable fees in universities.
2) Seeking sympathy from many Ugandans who because of their strong moral stance informed by their loyalty to their religions - Christianity and Islam, thereby endearing the NRM to gullible Ugandans. This is because the NRM has exhausted virtually all other Machiavellian gimmicks and has failed to keep many promises and promote positive rights. I am sure this one, government would handle since government wouldn’t spend money to enforce it. I agree with Mwenda that homosexuality is not one of our biggest threats but that our problems include wars and corruption which I think we should mercilessly condemn but I disagree with him when he asserts that the problem of Uganda is high population. The problem is not a high population for we are not an overpopulated populated country but we have an increasing population. An increasing population increases with the increase in the tax base which I am sure if the taxes generated would be put to better use would be a blessing to the country. China for instance is the most populated country now but the fastest growing economy at the same time.
All we need is human resource development through quality education, meritocracy in appointment of the bureaucrats and critical thought. We must extricate ourselves from the straightjacket in which we have been caged by the capitalist west. The ugliness of capitalism is now rearing its head through homosexuality. That is why I agree with my brother comrade Deo Rugyendo that we need to borrow “the undemocratic practices of the Catholic Church”. In the Catholic Church, members are not allowed to do as and when they wish. Freedom is not free – we are governed by the norms of our society. Indeed human rights are not absolute and some rights can be suspended for public order and public morality. This is visibly bold in the international human rights instruments. Therefore, since homosexuality has not been recognised as a right in Uganda, we shouldn’t be forced to recognise it as such.
Finally, I will strongly resent whoever imposes homosexuality in Uganda but I will viciously oppose whoever makes a law to torture, dehumanise and degrade anybody, anywhere, in any part of the world. As a member of the Catholic Church and the Foundation for Human Rights Initiative (FHRI), I find this bill particularly perturbing given that it proposes the death penalty which we have consistently, insistently, constantly and tenaciously opposed over the years. The Bahati bill is an enigma to the Christians and human rights defenders. We need to meet and design strategies on how to go about the matter.
For God and My country!
Vincent Nuwagaba is a human rights defender and can be reached via email at vmpvessynuwagaba@gmail.com
Posted on Monday December 21, 2009
I read Andrew Mwenda’s response to Bahati’s article in regard to what has been called the Bahati Bill currently in Parliament that seeks harsh penalties on homosexual relationships and I was left in a catch 22 situation. Although I am a human rights defender, I personally (and I am speaking in my individual capacity not for any organisation) think it is immoral to promote homosexuality as a human right. My position is debatable and I am yet to get somebody to convince me that homosexuality is a right worth promoting. I know fornication is also immoral from the Christian and Islamic perspective although it is not criminalised as long as two consenting adults do it privately.
Accordingly, the difference between homosexuality and fornication is that homosexuality is a crime here in Uganda while fornication is purely a moral issue and since Uganda is or claims to be a liberal country; Ugandans are at liberty to fornicate or not to. We have no liberty, however, to commit homosexuality. The argument that some people are born homosexuals, I cannot believe or disbelieve but all I know for sure is that where I grew up in Bushenyi, I have never seen anybody claiming to be born that way. Maybe, since premarital sex is also not rampant in the rural areas as young men and women restrain themselves, those born that way could also be restraining themselves.
That said though, I will strongly condemn and criticise whoever violates the rights of the homosexuals to privacy, to employment, to association as in belonging to a party or trade union etc. Of course when they associate and assemble as homosexuals to practice homosexuality the existing law should take its course. Therefore, my call to human rights defenders including Comrade Mwenda is that we should not promote homosexuality but defend their rights such as the right to privacy, freedom from torture inhuman and degrading treatment and punishment – which is by the way an absolute right enshrined in Uganda’s constitution, etc. In any case even the criminals have rights. The Bible says all have sinned and fallen short of God’s glory. But we remain human beings entitled to human dignity. This applies to both the homo and heterosexuals.
I radically disagree with anybody (including Pastor Martin Sempa whom I hold in high esteem) who feels the Bahati bill is necessary at this moment and I call upon the Catholic Church to which I belong to distance itself from the debate. The Bahati bill is neither a priority nor necessary. It is not a priority because we have teething problems that need urgent attention such as promotion of education, health, employment rights and grading our roads that have become death traps. Thus, I would agree with Professor Sylivia Tamale that the Bahati bill is aimed at diverting our attention from making demands that touch on our survival. It is unnecessary because sexual practices against the order of nature are already criminalised in the existing laws – i.e. in the Penal Code Act, cap 120, the laws of Uganda. Therefore, it is my considered view that this bill is aimed at two issues: 1) Diverting attention from the urgent problems such as excruciating poverty, hunger, potholes, corruption and unaffordable fees in universities.
2) Seeking sympathy from many Ugandans who because of their strong moral stance informed by their loyalty to their religions - Christianity and Islam, thereby endearing the NRM to gullible Ugandans. This is because the NRM has exhausted virtually all other Machiavellian gimmicks and has failed to keep many promises and promote positive rights. I am sure this one, government would handle since government wouldn’t spend money to enforce it. I agree with Mwenda that homosexuality is not one of our biggest threats but that our problems include wars and corruption which I think we should mercilessly condemn but I disagree with him when he asserts that the problem of Uganda is high population. The problem is not a high population for we are not an overpopulated populated country but we have an increasing population. An increasing population increases with the increase in the tax base which I am sure if the taxes generated would be put to better use would be a blessing to the country. China for instance is the most populated country now but the fastest growing economy at the same time.
All we need is human resource development through quality education, meritocracy in appointment of the bureaucrats and critical thought. We must extricate ourselves from the straightjacket in which we have been caged by the capitalist west. The ugliness of capitalism is now rearing its head through homosexuality. That is why I agree with my brother comrade Deo Rugyendo that we need to borrow “the undemocratic practices of the Catholic Church”. In the Catholic Church, members are not allowed to do as and when they wish. Freedom is not free – we are governed by the norms of our society. Indeed human rights are not absolute and some rights can be suspended for public order and public morality. This is visibly bold in the international human rights instruments. Therefore, since homosexuality has not been recognised as a right in Uganda, we shouldn’t be forced to recognise it as such.
Finally, I will strongly resent whoever imposes homosexuality in Uganda but I will viciously oppose whoever makes a law to torture, dehumanise and degrade anybody, anywhere, in any part of the world. As a member of the Catholic Church and the Foundation for Human Rights Initiative (FHRI), I find this bill particularly perturbing given that it proposes the death penalty which we have consistently, insistently, constantly and tenaciously opposed over the years. The Bahati bill is an enigma to the Christians and human rights defenders. We need to meet and design strategies on how to go about the matter.
For God and My country!
Vincent Nuwagaba is a human rights defender and can be reached via email at vmpvessynuwagaba@gmail.com
African children deserve better from their govts
By Vincent Nuwagaba
Published by Daily Monitor on Tuesday, June 16 2009 at 00:00
As we mark the African Child Day today, an event commemorated every June 16, we should reflect on the Ugandan child. From a human rights angle, the Ugandan child is a classic case of the Wretched of the Earth, to use Franz Fanon's parlance. We have many laws/human rights instruments both local and international to defend the rights of the children here in Uganda.
Yet child abuse continues unabated despite crucial legal/human rights instruments such as ILO Conventions 182, 38 & 81 which are Worst forms of Child Labour Convention, Minimum Age Convention, Labour Inspection Convention, UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and many domestic laws. Accordingly, we are not short of legislative and human rights instruments. Nonetheless, law enforcement has eluded this country.
As we celebrate the Day of the African Child, the following crucial issues ought to be addressed: Child labour, the plight of street children, child prostitution, child sacrifice, defilement, child neglect, child trafficking and the socio-economic welfare of our children with emphasis put on education and health. It is apparent the quality of Universal Primary Education is wanting, to say the least.
Many believe putting one's child in a UPE school is synonymous with sentencing them to perpetual ignorance and killing their future. Our health centres are equally death traps and this puts our children at risk. The situation is made more precarious when it comes to HIV/Aids infected and affected children. Most of them are on the streets as they lost their parents and have nobody to take care of them. Ultimately, they have turned into petty thieves, prostitutes, drug addicts and criminals of all sorts.
Foundation for Human Rights Initiative carries out research on juvenile justice but so far the findings reveal horrific and horrendous experiences that our children go through. When you visit courts, you find that the criminal offence with the highest frequency is defilement with some heartless parents defiling their own children.
Cases of worst forms of child labour abound; with some children working in quarries. This is hazardous to children both physically and mentally.
Ironically, these depraved practices are not African! Africans are supposed to be guided by the philosophy of Ubuntu. Ubuntu means being humane and is concomitant with values of love, mutual respect and most importantly, social responsibility.
Ubuntu resonates very well with the human rights movement whose cornerstone is threefold: human dignity, human welfare and equality. Although the wave is in favour of liberal democracy which accentuates the primacy of the individual liberties and interests, I am of the view that Africans must embrace social democracy. It is social democracy that will ensure the provision of the socio-economic needs for our people such as health, education and jobs.
The African Child, particularly the Ugandan child, is a victim of individualism. Let us reflect on the welfare of our children, for the future lies in them and they must be helped to actualise their full potential. I make a passionate call for prioritising the needs of our down-trodden children. For God and my country!
Mr Nuwagaba is a secretary for the Pan African Movement, Uganda chapter and works with the research division of Foundation for Human Rights Initiative.
Vnuwagaba@gmail.com
By Vincent Nuwagaba
Published by Daily Monitor on Tuesday, June 16 2009 at 00:00
As we mark the African Child Day today, an event commemorated every June 16, we should reflect on the Ugandan child. From a human rights angle, the Ugandan child is a classic case of the Wretched of the Earth, to use Franz Fanon's parlance. We have many laws/human rights instruments both local and international to defend the rights of the children here in Uganda.
Yet child abuse continues unabated despite crucial legal/human rights instruments such as ILO Conventions 182, 38 & 81 which are Worst forms of Child Labour Convention, Minimum Age Convention, Labour Inspection Convention, UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and many domestic laws. Accordingly, we are not short of legislative and human rights instruments. Nonetheless, law enforcement has eluded this country.
As we celebrate the Day of the African Child, the following crucial issues ought to be addressed: Child labour, the plight of street children, child prostitution, child sacrifice, defilement, child neglect, child trafficking and the socio-economic welfare of our children with emphasis put on education and health. It is apparent the quality of Universal Primary Education is wanting, to say the least.
Many believe putting one's child in a UPE school is synonymous with sentencing them to perpetual ignorance and killing their future. Our health centres are equally death traps and this puts our children at risk. The situation is made more precarious when it comes to HIV/Aids infected and affected children. Most of them are on the streets as they lost their parents and have nobody to take care of them. Ultimately, they have turned into petty thieves, prostitutes, drug addicts and criminals of all sorts.
Foundation for Human Rights Initiative carries out research on juvenile justice but so far the findings reveal horrific and horrendous experiences that our children go through. When you visit courts, you find that the criminal offence with the highest frequency is defilement with some heartless parents defiling their own children.
Cases of worst forms of child labour abound; with some children working in quarries. This is hazardous to children both physically and mentally.
Ironically, these depraved practices are not African! Africans are supposed to be guided by the philosophy of Ubuntu. Ubuntu means being humane and is concomitant with values of love, mutual respect and most importantly, social responsibility.
Ubuntu resonates very well with the human rights movement whose cornerstone is threefold: human dignity, human welfare and equality. Although the wave is in favour of liberal democracy which accentuates the primacy of the individual liberties and interests, I am of the view that Africans must embrace social democracy. It is social democracy that will ensure the provision of the socio-economic needs for our people such as health, education and jobs.
The African Child, particularly the Ugandan child, is a victim of individualism. Let us reflect on the welfare of our children, for the future lies in them and they must be helped to actualise their full potential. I make a passionate call for prioritising the needs of our down-trodden children. For God and my country!
Mr Nuwagaba is a secretary for the Pan African Movement, Uganda chapter and works with the research division of Foundation for Human Rights Initiative.
Vnuwagaba@gmail.com
Secession talk is a pointer that something is wrong
By Vincent Nuwagaba
This article was published by Daily Monitor on Tuesday, June 9 2009
Members of Parliament from the greater north comprising West Nile, Karamoja, Lango, Teso and Acholi sub-regions have lately been making calls for secession. This is not the first time the greater north is making calls for secession and these calls have not been exclusive to them. MP Hussein Kyanjo (Makindye West, Jeema) has in the past made spirited calls for secession of Buganda, citing marginalisation.
Sadly, instead of looking at the reasons advanced, some Ugandans have opted to vilify and demonise those calling for secession. I think we are being uncritical and naive. Those making calls for secession are expressing their discontent. Rather than scold them, we should exhort government to treat all citizens equally. Surprisingly, the government is not comfortable about this secession talk, yet it has failed to address the concerns raised. Should the greater north remain in subjugation? All of us would like to live in a country where we are not discriminated against.
The government's act of recalling Ambassador Onen from the East African Community Secretariat was just a trigger but there were deep-rooted problems that re-ignited the secession talk. Even if Ambassador Onen had not been recalled, he wouldn’t be a solution to the greater north in as far as marginalisation is concerned. Clearly, the NRM has ignored its blueprint, the Ten Point Programme, whose point number three and seven were consolidation of national unity and elimination of all forms of sectarianism and elimination of corruption and misuse of power respectively. I point out point number three and seven because whoever talks of marginalisation is a victim of either sectarianism or corruption and misuse of power or both. I am firmly convinced that sectarianism is one of the highest forms of corruption that we are witnessing in this country, for sectarianism leads to the misallocation of resources. Furthermore, sectarianism undermines institutions as the office bearers pay more allegiance to their political godfathers at the expense of institutions, systems, rules and structures. Sectarianism is both inimical and antithetical to patriotism which President Museveni is preaching.
Those raising the secession voices are victims of sectarianism, corruption and misuse of power. They are simply showing that something is amiss. And we must applaud them for demanding a fair share of the national cake. Otherwise, there is no reason for them to remain in a country where they are perpetually marginalised. What I find disagreeable however is their conviction that the western part of the country is benefitting. There are individuals in Western Uganda who are favoured but there are also many from the same region who are indubitably marginalised. Marginalisation is not exclusive to the north. Just because my area Member of Parliament is a minister does not mean I am benefitting even when I have no job, no drugs in our health centres and if our roads are in a sorry state. We have five counties and five ministers in Bushenyi District but only one Member of Parliament, who incidentally is a backbencher, has registered visible success through an organisation known as Integrated Community Based Initiative.
Ironically, there are many people from western Uganda who are frustrated as a result of unemployment, poverty, poor service delivery, among others. But for them they are caught between a devil and a deep blue sea as they cannot call for secession. If you are here in Kampala, the talk is that Westerners are the ones in the thing; when you go to the west, the talk is that the Banyankole are the ones eating; if you go to Ankole, the talk is that the Bahiima are the ones eating and possibly among the Bahiima, the talk is that it is the Basiita who are eating. This is a pointer that each region and ethnic group feels some level of discontent and marginalisation. The difference is only in the magnitude with some regions feeling that they are more marginalised than others. Let government embrace meritocracy and in the allocation of public valuables as opposed to allocation of the national cake on patronage basis. Remember, all Ugandans pay taxes and have a right to benefit from their taxes. Truth is that virtually all Ugandans are faced with more or less similar problems and should adopt similar means to solve them.
Mr Nuwagaba is a human rights defender
vnuwagaba@gmail.com
This article was published by Daily Monitor on Tuesday, June 9 2009
Members of Parliament from the greater north comprising West Nile, Karamoja, Lango, Teso and Acholi sub-regions have lately been making calls for secession. This is not the first time the greater north is making calls for secession and these calls have not been exclusive to them. MP Hussein Kyanjo (Makindye West, Jeema) has in the past made spirited calls for secession of Buganda, citing marginalisation.
Sadly, instead of looking at the reasons advanced, some Ugandans have opted to vilify and demonise those calling for secession. I think we are being uncritical and naive. Those making calls for secession are expressing their discontent. Rather than scold them, we should exhort government to treat all citizens equally. Surprisingly, the government is not comfortable about this secession talk, yet it has failed to address the concerns raised. Should the greater north remain in subjugation? All of us would like to live in a country where we are not discriminated against.
The government's act of recalling Ambassador Onen from the East African Community Secretariat was just a trigger but there were deep-rooted problems that re-ignited the secession talk. Even if Ambassador Onen had not been recalled, he wouldn’t be a solution to the greater north in as far as marginalisation is concerned. Clearly, the NRM has ignored its blueprint, the Ten Point Programme, whose point number three and seven were consolidation of national unity and elimination of all forms of sectarianism and elimination of corruption and misuse of power respectively. I point out point number three and seven because whoever talks of marginalisation is a victim of either sectarianism or corruption and misuse of power or both. I am firmly convinced that sectarianism is one of the highest forms of corruption that we are witnessing in this country, for sectarianism leads to the misallocation of resources. Furthermore, sectarianism undermines institutions as the office bearers pay more allegiance to their political godfathers at the expense of institutions, systems, rules and structures. Sectarianism is both inimical and antithetical to patriotism which President Museveni is preaching.
Those raising the secession voices are victims of sectarianism, corruption and misuse of power. They are simply showing that something is amiss. And we must applaud them for demanding a fair share of the national cake. Otherwise, there is no reason for them to remain in a country where they are perpetually marginalised. What I find disagreeable however is their conviction that the western part of the country is benefitting. There are individuals in Western Uganda who are favoured but there are also many from the same region who are indubitably marginalised. Marginalisation is not exclusive to the north. Just because my area Member of Parliament is a minister does not mean I am benefitting even when I have no job, no drugs in our health centres and if our roads are in a sorry state. We have five counties and five ministers in Bushenyi District but only one Member of Parliament, who incidentally is a backbencher, has registered visible success through an organisation known as Integrated Community Based Initiative.
Ironically, there are many people from western Uganda who are frustrated as a result of unemployment, poverty, poor service delivery, among others. But for them they are caught between a devil and a deep blue sea as they cannot call for secession. If you are here in Kampala, the talk is that Westerners are the ones in the thing; when you go to the west, the talk is that the Banyankole are the ones eating; if you go to Ankole, the talk is that the Bahiima are the ones eating and possibly among the Bahiima, the talk is that it is the Basiita who are eating. This is a pointer that each region and ethnic group feels some level of discontent and marginalisation. The difference is only in the magnitude with some regions feeling that they are more marginalised than others. Let government embrace meritocracy and in the allocation of public valuables as opposed to allocation of the national cake on patronage basis. Remember, all Ugandans pay taxes and have a right to benefit from their taxes. Truth is that virtually all Ugandans are faced with more or less similar problems and should adopt similar means to solve them.
Mr Nuwagaba is a human rights defender
vnuwagaba@gmail.com
Prof. Kagonyera, please honour your promise
By Vincent Nuwagaba
This Article was first published by Daily Monitor on Wednesday January 13 2010
In Summary
The first attribute was accordingly discipline, the second was discipline and the third was also discipline. I added another three attributes with the first being integrity, the second integrity and the third integrity.
While presiding over Makerere University graduation for his first time Prof. Mondo Kagonyera, the Chancellor, underscored three key attributes as being critical if the graduates were to be successful. The first attribute was accordingly discipline, the second was discipline and the third was also discipline. I added another three attributes with the first being integrity, the second integrity and the third integrity.
I am always mesmerised by the good professor’s sound advice. Meanwhile, the very professor who has always emphasised discipline is now under fire to resign from the university’s topmost titular position on account that his discipline has been found wanting. Indeed Kagonyera is himself the one who said publicly that should he be implicated by the Auditor General’s report, he would resign. Accordingly, MUASA, Makerere University Convocation and the Vice Chancellor Prof. Venansius Baryamureeba are only reminding the good professor to honour his promise.
I also write in my capacity as an alumnus and student of Makerere to ask Kagonyera to step down to guard the integrity of the university. I am not saying that Prof. Kagonyera is guilty but he is not spotlessly clean.
Sadly, in Uganda corruption, greed, selfishness and impunity have been elevated to norms rather than exceptions. As I urge Kagonyera to resign, I also call upon many of those who have been implicated in corruption scandals to show cause why they should continue to occupy public offices. I know many have not even appeared before tribunals and/or courts but when you look at what they own and make a flashback on how they were prior to 1986, you surely agree that although Uganda is gifted by nature, it is cursed by greed, selfishness, indecency, impunity and grand corruption.
The question then should be: do we suffer a dearth of clean people? No. Why then do hitherto clean people indulge in corruption when they capture office? The answer is simple. Concern about the country stopped on paper and public speeches shortly after the NRM capture of state power. Before he was sacked on air in 1998 or thereabout, my area MP exhibited some signs that he was working for the good of the nation and had not been taken too much by material possessions. I am sure the man later realised that as he was busy working for the nation, others were busy with self-aggrandisement. So he chose to dance to the similar tunes.
I have also realised, it is next to impossible to be clean in a situation where every other person is dirty but I can only say, sorry Kagonyera. That many others in public offices are abusing them with impunity is no justification for you, a professor who should be a paragon of virtue and excellence to follow suit. The position of the chancellor of Makerere is a sacrosanct position which deserves the holder to be spotlessly clean. After Kagonyera’s resignation, we shall be helped to push other corrupt people out of public offices.
Mr Nuwagaba is a human rights defender
mpvessynuwagaba@gmail.com
This Article was first published by Daily Monitor on Wednesday January 13 2010
In Summary
The first attribute was accordingly discipline, the second was discipline and the third was also discipline. I added another three attributes with the first being integrity, the second integrity and the third integrity.
While presiding over Makerere University graduation for his first time Prof. Mondo Kagonyera, the Chancellor, underscored three key attributes as being critical if the graduates were to be successful. The first attribute was accordingly discipline, the second was discipline and the third was also discipline. I added another three attributes with the first being integrity, the second integrity and the third integrity.
I am always mesmerised by the good professor’s sound advice. Meanwhile, the very professor who has always emphasised discipline is now under fire to resign from the university’s topmost titular position on account that his discipline has been found wanting. Indeed Kagonyera is himself the one who said publicly that should he be implicated by the Auditor General’s report, he would resign. Accordingly, MUASA, Makerere University Convocation and the Vice Chancellor Prof. Venansius Baryamureeba are only reminding the good professor to honour his promise.
I also write in my capacity as an alumnus and student of Makerere to ask Kagonyera to step down to guard the integrity of the university. I am not saying that Prof. Kagonyera is guilty but he is not spotlessly clean.
Sadly, in Uganda corruption, greed, selfishness and impunity have been elevated to norms rather than exceptions. As I urge Kagonyera to resign, I also call upon many of those who have been implicated in corruption scandals to show cause why they should continue to occupy public offices. I know many have not even appeared before tribunals and/or courts but when you look at what they own and make a flashback on how they were prior to 1986, you surely agree that although Uganda is gifted by nature, it is cursed by greed, selfishness, indecency, impunity and grand corruption.
The question then should be: do we suffer a dearth of clean people? No. Why then do hitherto clean people indulge in corruption when they capture office? The answer is simple. Concern about the country stopped on paper and public speeches shortly after the NRM capture of state power. Before he was sacked on air in 1998 or thereabout, my area MP exhibited some signs that he was working for the good of the nation and had not been taken too much by material possessions. I am sure the man later realised that as he was busy working for the nation, others were busy with self-aggrandisement. So he chose to dance to the similar tunes.
I have also realised, it is next to impossible to be clean in a situation where every other person is dirty but I can only say, sorry Kagonyera. That many others in public offices are abusing them with impunity is no justification for you, a professor who should be a paragon of virtue and excellence to follow suit. The position of the chancellor of Makerere is a sacrosanct position which deserves the holder to be spotlessly clean. After Kagonyera’s resignation, we shall be helped to push other corrupt people out of public offices.
Mr Nuwagaba is a human rights defender
mpvessynuwagaba@gmail.com
The turns and twists of the Obugabe Debate
Vincent Nuwagaba
Published on Saturday January, 16, 2010
President Museveni has ordered the stop of the Obugabe Debate. see Museveni stops Ankole Kingdom debate (Daily Monitor, Monday January 11, 2010) said.
The media reports quoted the President to have stopped the debate because the Kingdom agitators were using money to influence the district councils and that they were involved in politics.Speaking in Runyakole in Bushenyi, President Museveni told the Bushenyi District leadership that what the Omukama of Bunyoro wrote to district councils in Ankole was not in order. “After realising that they (Kingdom agitators) were putting in money, we have stopped it. ….Where are they getting money? They stop it and if not we shall arrest them,” he
The President dovetails with Major General Otafiire who spat fire on the issue while he was hosted on B FM Radio Station in Bushenyi. The President’s remarks have attracted varied responses from the academics and civil society activists. Gilbert Musinguzi, a civil society activist said, “The president’s act is undemocratic. It is a violation of the constitution which provides for freedom of expression”. JK Zirabamuzale, Chairman Uganda Prisoners Aid Foundation feels uncomfortable with the turns and twists in regard to the Obugabe of Ankole. He says, “As a human rights activist, in regard to the whole institutional framework as enshrined in the 1995 constitution, I find the situation in regard to the Obugabe of Ankole unfortunate”. Mr. Zirabamuzale added, “It is the right and freedom of those interested in the institutional activities. However few they are, their rights should not be trampled upon”. Mr. Zirabamuzale regrets to note that the rights and freedoms are not addressed in their universality. “If the fifteen, twenty or fifty people in Kayunga can be granted the right to form their cultural institution even when there is no historical record to it; if the Bamoli in Mubende whose institution we are learning of for the first time in the history of Uganda are also being recognised, what is wrong with agitation for the restoration of the Kingdom whose background is known and clear? We are witnessing selective treatment in terms of observance of cultural rights”, remarked Zirabamuzale. Article 246(3) (d) says no person shall be compelled to pay allegiance or contribute to the cost of maintaining a traditional or cultural leader.
Asked whether, it was proper for the majority Bairu to accept being subjected to the institution they feel is oppressive, Mr. Zirabamuzale said, “Let the Bairu complain about the bad things of the Kingship. But also, let the agitators have a chance to present their case. It is incredible that people can be gagged”. On the cultural leaders talking politics, Zirabamuzale said, “If Uganda Joint Christian Council - a religious institution takes political positions, what’s wrong with cultural leaders involving in politics”. As for Mr. Fredrick Luzee, a political analyst cum humanitarian aid worker says, “According to Museveni, politics is anything that he doesn’t agree with. If the cultural leader supports Museveni, that is alright, if he disagrees with him, they are indulging in politics. Otherwise, if two cultural leaders are talking cultural issues what is political about that?” Observers feel the president is doing exactly what he decried about past leaders soon after he captured power. “Museveni ridiculed past leaders who portrayed politics as a dirty game. He defined politics as the art and science of management of society. Today he should give us his definition of politics if he doesn’t cultural and religious leaders to get concerned with how society is managed”. If I am a cultural leader and see my people being evicted do I keep quiet?” Mr. Luzee added.
The constitution doesn’t bar cultural leaders from participating in politics but partisan politics. Cultural leaders should have a level at which to participate in politics although they don’t compete for political offices. Otherwise barring them from ever engaging in politics would tantamount to disenfranchising them.
The pundits now ask: Does Museveni genuinely believe in the suspension of the debate or he did it for political reasons? If the use of money to promote the Kingdom agitators’ cause is wrong, why is it not wrong for Museveni to use money to promote his political interests such as the removal of term limits from the constitution? What is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander. In fact, on the question of Kingdom agitators’ using money to promote their cause, Mr. Zirabamuzale states, “This is my position not from a human rights angle. If the Honourable Members of Parliament could be given shs 5m each to lift the term limits as were enshrined in the 1995 constitution, what is wrong with people giving money to district councilors to pass a resolution in favour of the Kingdom”. He added, “If MPs could be lined up in a brothel where they were given money to lift the term limits, what is wrong with Councillors being facilitated?” On what could be the reason that informed the President’s suspension of the debate, Gilbert Musinguzi said, “I cannot speculate on the reasons he bases himself to do that. I personally base my argument on the fact – the constitution”. He further added, “But of course, as a fountain of honour, he can suspend the debate but he needs to give a time frame within which it would be resumed”. Ben Mark Kapwepwe, said “How can Barigye and Iguru talk about restoration of the King when we have a Ssabagabe – Museveni? We have a grand king; you cannot talk of these other small kings in Ankole”. Accordingly, Museveni views him self as a grand King – a Ssabagabe or King of Kings especially in Ankole sub-region. Accordingly, he doesn’t want divided allegiance. As for me, I want to categorically state that I personally don’t support the restoration of Obugabe because of the historical injustice that it meted onto the majority Bairu. However, as a human rights defender, I strongly support the debate about the subject. I am guided by a French philosopher Voltaire who stated that, “I disagree with what you say, but I will defend to the death your right to say it”. And incidentally, if the debate goes on, I would advise the Bairu to suggest that if Kingship is to be restored, the King should be voted in which case the Omugabe will not necessarily be Prince John Barigye. The matter could even be taken for a referendum.
The Kingdoms were banned in Uganda by Obote after the Kabaka crisis. In 1993, however, Museveni restored the Cultural institutions. I am deeply convinced that Museveni didn’t restore the cultural institutions because he loved it but because he knew it would win him political capital especially in Buganda where Obote was strongly hated because of the abolition of kingdoms. It is noteworthy, however, that although the Baganda hated Obote, they didn’t necessarily love Museveni and the NRM. Hatred for UPC didn’t necessarily mean love for NRM. Instead the majority Baganda were allied to the Democratic Party. Thus, in order to trim the growing wings of the Democratic Party Museveni had to appease the ordinary Baganda whose love for the Kabaka is unreserved.
Museveni has mastered the art of Machiavellian politics. Machiavellian politics is summed up in the principle of “the end justifies the means”. Accordingly Machiavellian politicians will do anything to capture, consolidate and retain state power”. This defines whatever Museveni does. Anything that wins him political mileage and/or capital whether or not it is right Museveni will support it. Like all Machiavellians, Museveni and his people have the ability to always create contentious debates so that they later appear to be the saviours. I have a hunch that the Obugabe debate is part of Museveni’s political gimmicks to keep NRM relevant in the eyes of the voters.
Ankole has two sub-ethnic groupings: the Bairu and the Bahima. While traditionally the King had to emerge from the royal family and must be a Muhima, the Bairu were the subjects. The majority Bairu suffered greatly under Kingship that they cannot stand to hear anybody talk about the restoration of the Ankole Kingdom. Thus, even if Museveni supported the restoration of the Kingdom, he would risk losing the support of the majority Bairu for they view kingship as a monster that can devour them.
I, however, think the debate on the restoration of Kingship is diversionary. I am even worried that it could be a strategy Museveni is using to re-capture the fourth term by diverting the Banyankole from questioning the President about his promises and raising the issues of national importance such as corruption, unemployment, unaffordable university fees which were hiked up to 126 percent, etc. Museveni is a person who always benefits from any form of confusion. Ultimately, he will be the beneficiary of the confusion brought by the Obugabe debate. It shouldn’t take anybody by surprise if the people that are igniting the Obugabe debate are ardent supporters of President Museveni. The President and company know quite well that the Obugabe issue causes goose bumps to a large section of Ankole people because of the historical injustice and oppression that the Bairu suffered under Kingship. I strongly feel that if Museveni is to get votes come 2011 from the majority Banyankole it would be because he has liberated them from the Obugabe and I suspect many of his campaign agents will say, please reward the man who has saved you from the Obugabe agitators. Just like the mere mention of Obote in Buganda won Museveni massive support in 1996, a mention of the Obugabe will invoke sad memories in Ankole. So the debate is a calculated move as we approach 2011.
Mr. Nuwagaba is a human rights defender.
mpvessynuwagaba@gmail.com
Published on Saturday January, 16, 2010
President Museveni has ordered the stop of the Obugabe Debate. see Museveni stops Ankole Kingdom debate (Daily Monitor, Monday January 11, 2010) said.
The media reports quoted the President to have stopped the debate because the Kingdom agitators were using money to influence the district councils and that they were involved in politics.Speaking in Runyakole in Bushenyi, President Museveni told the Bushenyi District leadership that what the Omukama of Bunyoro wrote to district councils in Ankole was not in order. “After realising that they (Kingdom agitators) were putting in money, we have stopped it. ….Where are they getting money? They stop it and if not we shall arrest them,” he
The President dovetails with Major General Otafiire who spat fire on the issue while he was hosted on B FM Radio Station in Bushenyi. The President’s remarks have attracted varied responses from the academics and civil society activists. Gilbert Musinguzi, a civil society activist said, “The president’s act is undemocratic. It is a violation of the constitution which provides for freedom of expression”. JK Zirabamuzale, Chairman Uganda Prisoners Aid Foundation feels uncomfortable with the turns and twists in regard to the Obugabe of Ankole. He says, “As a human rights activist, in regard to the whole institutional framework as enshrined in the 1995 constitution, I find the situation in regard to the Obugabe of Ankole unfortunate”. Mr. Zirabamuzale added, “It is the right and freedom of those interested in the institutional activities. However few they are, their rights should not be trampled upon”. Mr. Zirabamuzale regrets to note that the rights and freedoms are not addressed in their universality. “If the fifteen, twenty or fifty people in Kayunga can be granted the right to form their cultural institution even when there is no historical record to it; if the Bamoli in Mubende whose institution we are learning of for the first time in the history of Uganda are also being recognised, what is wrong with agitation for the restoration of the Kingdom whose background is known and clear? We are witnessing selective treatment in terms of observance of cultural rights”, remarked Zirabamuzale. Article 246(3) (d) says no person shall be compelled to pay allegiance or contribute to the cost of maintaining a traditional or cultural leader.
Asked whether, it was proper for the majority Bairu to accept being subjected to the institution they feel is oppressive, Mr. Zirabamuzale said, “Let the Bairu complain about the bad things of the Kingship. But also, let the agitators have a chance to present their case. It is incredible that people can be gagged”. On the cultural leaders talking politics, Zirabamuzale said, “If Uganda Joint Christian Council - a religious institution takes political positions, what’s wrong with cultural leaders involving in politics”. As for Mr. Fredrick Luzee, a political analyst cum humanitarian aid worker says, “According to Museveni, politics is anything that he doesn’t agree with. If the cultural leader supports Museveni, that is alright, if he disagrees with him, they are indulging in politics. Otherwise, if two cultural leaders are talking cultural issues what is political about that?” Observers feel the president is doing exactly what he decried about past leaders soon after he captured power. “Museveni ridiculed past leaders who portrayed politics as a dirty game. He defined politics as the art and science of management of society. Today he should give us his definition of politics if he doesn’t cultural and religious leaders to get concerned with how society is managed”. If I am a cultural leader and see my people being evicted do I keep quiet?” Mr. Luzee added.
The constitution doesn’t bar cultural leaders from participating in politics but partisan politics. Cultural leaders should have a level at which to participate in politics although they don’t compete for political offices. Otherwise barring them from ever engaging in politics would tantamount to disenfranchising them.
The pundits now ask: Does Museveni genuinely believe in the suspension of the debate or he did it for political reasons? If the use of money to promote the Kingdom agitators’ cause is wrong, why is it not wrong for Museveni to use money to promote his political interests such as the removal of term limits from the constitution? What is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander. In fact, on the question of Kingdom agitators’ using money to promote their cause, Mr. Zirabamuzale states, “This is my position not from a human rights angle. If the Honourable Members of Parliament could be given shs 5m each to lift the term limits as were enshrined in the 1995 constitution, what is wrong with people giving money to district councilors to pass a resolution in favour of the Kingdom”. He added, “If MPs could be lined up in a brothel where they were given money to lift the term limits, what is wrong with Councillors being facilitated?” On what could be the reason that informed the President’s suspension of the debate, Gilbert Musinguzi said, “I cannot speculate on the reasons he bases himself to do that. I personally base my argument on the fact – the constitution”. He further added, “But of course, as a fountain of honour, he can suspend the debate but he needs to give a time frame within which it would be resumed”. Ben Mark Kapwepwe, said “How can Barigye and Iguru talk about restoration of the King when we have a Ssabagabe – Museveni? We have a grand king; you cannot talk of these other small kings in Ankole”. Accordingly, Museveni views him self as a grand King – a Ssabagabe or King of Kings especially in Ankole sub-region. Accordingly, he doesn’t want divided allegiance. As for me, I want to categorically state that I personally don’t support the restoration of Obugabe because of the historical injustice that it meted onto the majority Bairu. However, as a human rights defender, I strongly support the debate about the subject. I am guided by a French philosopher Voltaire who stated that, “I disagree with what you say, but I will defend to the death your right to say it”. And incidentally, if the debate goes on, I would advise the Bairu to suggest that if Kingship is to be restored, the King should be voted in which case the Omugabe will not necessarily be Prince John Barigye. The matter could even be taken for a referendum.
The Kingdoms were banned in Uganda by Obote after the Kabaka crisis. In 1993, however, Museveni restored the Cultural institutions. I am deeply convinced that Museveni didn’t restore the cultural institutions because he loved it but because he knew it would win him political capital especially in Buganda where Obote was strongly hated because of the abolition of kingdoms. It is noteworthy, however, that although the Baganda hated Obote, they didn’t necessarily love Museveni and the NRM. Hatred for UPC didn’t necessarily mean love for NRM. Instead the majority Baganda were allied to the Democratic Party. Thus, in order to trim the growing wings of the Democratic Party Museveni had to appease the ordinary Baganda whose love for the Kabaka is unreserved.
Museveni has mastered the art of Machiavellian politics. Machiavellian politics is summed up in the principle of “the end justifies the means”. Accordingly Machiavellian politicians will do anything to capture, consolidate and retain state power”. This defines whatever Museveni does. Anything that wins him political mileage and/or capital whether or not it is right Museveni will support it. Like all Machiavellians, Museveni and his people have the ability to always create contentious debates so that they later appear to be the saviours. I have a hunch that the Obugabe debate is part of Museveni’s political gimmicks to keep NRM relevant in the eyes of the voters.
Ankole has two sub-ethnic groupings: the Bairu and the Bahima. While traditionally the King had to emerge from the royal family and must be a Muhima, the Bairu were the subjects. The majority Bairu suffered greatly under Kingship that they cannot stand to hear anybody talk about the restoration of the Ankole Kingdom. Thus, even if Museveni supported the restoration of the Kingdom, he would risk losing the support of the majority Bairu for they view kingship as a monster that can devour them.
I, however, think the debate on the restoration of Kingship is diversionary. I am even worried that it could be a strategy Museveni is using to re-capture the fourth term by diverting the Banyankole from questioning the President about his promises and raising the issues of national importance such as corruption, unemployment, unaffordable university fees which were hiked up to 126 percent, etc. Museveni is a person who always benefits from any form of confusion. Ultimately, he will be the beneficiary of the confusion brought by the Obugabe debate. It shouldn’t take anybody by surprise if the people that are igniting the Obugabe debate are ardent supporters of President Museveni. The President and company know quite well that the Obugabe issue causes goose bumps to a large section of Ankole people because of the historical injustice and oppression that the Bairu suffered under Kingship. I strongly feel that if Museveni is to get votes come 2011 from the majority Banyankole it would be because he has liberated them from the Obugabe and I suspect many of his campaign agents will say, please reward the man who has saved you from the Obugabe agitators. Just like the mere mention of Obote in Buganda won Museveni massive support in 1996, a mention of the Obugabe will invoke sad memories in Ankole. So the debate is a calculated move as we approach 2011.
Mr. Nuwagaba is a human rights defender.
mpvessynuwagaba@gmail.com
Saturday, May 28, 2011
Activists reject govt's health insurance scheme
Written by David Tash Lumu
Thursday, 23 April 2009 17:32
Uganda's health system is a patient that the government continues to give an under dose, says Dr. Sandra Kiapi
Dr. Ian Clarke, the proprietor of International Hospital Kampala, has blasted government’s plan to hurriedly roll out the not-so-popular Health Insurance Scheme, arguing that it will result in “disappointed” expectations.
Speaking during a public dialogue on the proposed social health scheme organised by Platform For Labour Action, at Hotel Equatoria, Dr. Clarke said that in a country where corruption has been accepted as a way of life, rushing the scheme would be a waste of time.
“Insurance is not something magical. Government must address all the issues involved in the scheme. Narrow tax base, corruption, cost of doing business, global recession, increase in the cost of employment, and Uganda’s growth rate falling,” he said.
“Planning is lacking; government is pushing the bill without a clear policy on details. It will result in disappointed expectations,” he added.
Cabinet recently passed a resolution to introduce a compulsory national health insurance scheme beginning later this year. The scheme hopes to reduce the cost of medical treatment at individual level.
However, civil society organisations and other stakeholders warn that the scheme doesn’t address social protection goals of getting into the informal sector—where over 80% of Ugandans belong.
“The health system in Uganda is a patient that government continues to give an under-dose in terms of funding. It lacks facilities, drugs and infrastructure—and this scheme only targets those who are working—eliminating the poor who are the majority,” said Sandra Kiapi, Executive Director of Action for Health, Human rights and HIV\AIDS (AGHA).
Participants who rejected the scheme argued that it might turn predatory on the workers’ meagre earnings. They advised the government to drop it immediately.
“It’s a non-starter. A good thing not put in the right framework. A copy and paste issue which doesn’t resonate with reality. A design to encroach on the poor salaries of Ugandan,” said one participant.
The participants called on government to “get back to the drawing board” and first cure the “rotten health administration” and “sick health centres” before venturing into what it can’t “chew”.
“What government needs to do is to first ensure that jobs are available for all Ugandans, load hospitals with drugs, and pay well the doctors, then begin to talk about health insurance,” said Vincent Nuwagaba, a human rights activist.
The Commissioner of Health Services and Planning, Dr. Francis Runumi, however, said that the scheme is well-designed with one of the positive spin-offs being; sharing the burden of the cost of health which is too heavy for individuals.
“Practical measures to ensure the provision of basic medical services to the population are needed in this country. And I must say, only those who pay towards this fund will benefit. Let the unfortunate get NGOs or government to pay for them because if we cater for all people, the fund will be drained and it will not work,” he said.
Admitting the Ministry of Health’s manpower quagmire, Runumi lamented that this year the ministry advertised for 120 jobs for doctors but only 41 applied. Of the 41, only 21 turned up for interviews. “And after the interview, 11 reported for work—something that is shocking. Doctors are frustrated because of under-funding,” he said.
In fact, Runumi said, the scheme might be delayed to enable government address some of the issues raised by the participants.
On the other hand, Dr. Clarke advised the government to utilise the proposed NSSF medical fund instead.
“NSSF has not been given consideration—yet its proposal to allocate part of their budget to health insurance can be fully shaped at no extra cost,” he said.
The National Social Security Fund (NSSF) is working on a parallel health insurance scheme which is being fast-tracked for all its members. The NSSF scheme proposes health insurance for members funded by their contributions.
The health insurance bill which will actualise the scheme when enacted, proposes a consolidated and comprehensive social protection policy, whereby taxpayers in the formal sector contribute 4% of their gross salary earnings for health insurance. Workers already pay 30% of their salary as P.A.Y.E while 5% goes to NSSF.
Kenya, Rwanda and Nigeria are some of the African countries with similar healthcare schemes.
dtlumu@observer.ugThis e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it
Thursday, 23 April 2009 17:32
Uganda's health system is a patient that the government continues to give an under dose, says Dr. Sandra Kiapi
Dr. Ian Clarke, the proprietor of International Hospital Kampala, has blasted government’s plan to hurriedly roll out the not-so-popular Health Insurance Scheme, arguing that it will result in “disappointed” expectations.
Speaking during a public dialogue on the proposed social health scheme organised by Platform For Labour Action, at Hotel Equatoria, Dr. Clarke said that in a country where corruption has been accepted as a way of life, rushing the scheme would be a waste of time.
“Insurance is not something magical. Government must address all the issues involved in the scheme. Narrow tax base, corruption, cost of doing business, global recession, increase in the cost of employment, and Uganda’s growth rate falling,” he said.
“Planning is lacking; government is pushing the bill without a clear policy on details. It will result in disappointed expectations,” he added.
Cabinet recently passed a resolution to introduce a compulsory national health insurance scheme beginning later this year. The scheme hopes to reduce the cost of medical treatment at individual level.
However, civil society organisations and other stakeholders warn that the scheme doesn’t address social protection goals of getting into the informal sector—where over 80% of Ugandans belong.
“The health system in Uganda is a patient that government continues to give an under-dose in terms of funding. It lacks facilities, drugs and infrastructure—and this scheme only targets those who are working—eliminating the poor who are the majority,” said Sandra Kiapi, Executive Director of Action for Health, Human rights and HIV\AIDS (AGHA).
Participants who rejected the scheme argued that it might turn predatory on the workers’ meagre earnings. They advised the government to drop it immediately.
“It’s a non-starter. A good thing not put in the right framework. A copy and paste issue which doesn’t resonate with reality. A design to encroach on the poor salaries of Ugandan,” said one participant.
The participants called on government to “get back to the drawing board” and first cure the “rotten health administration” and “sick health centres” before venturing into what it can’t “chew”.
“What government needs to do is to first ensure that jobs are available for all Ugandans, load hospitals with drugs, and pay well the doctors, then begin to talk about health insurance,” said Vincent Nuwagaba, a human rights activist.
The Commissioner of Health Services and Planning, Dr. Francis Runumi, however, said that the scheme is well-designed with one of the positive spin-offs being; sharing the burden of the cost of health which is too heavy for individuals.
“Practical measures to ensure the provision of basic medical services to the population are needed in this country. And I must say, only those who pay towards this fund will benefit. Let the unfortunate get NGOs or government to pay for them because if we cater for all people, the fund will be drained and it will not work,” he said.
Admitting the Ministry of Health’s manpower quagmire, Runumi lamented that this year the ministry advertised for 120 jobs for doctors but only 41 applied. Of the 41, only 21 turned up for interviews. “And after the interview, 11 reported for work—something that is shocking. Doctors are frustrated because of under-funding,” he said.
In fact, Runumi said, the scheme might be delayed to enable government address some of the issues raised by the participants.
On the other hand, Dr. Clarke advised the government to utilise the proposed NSSF medical fund instead.
“NSSF has not been given consideration—yet its proposal to allocate part of their budget to health insurance can be fully shaped at no extra cost,” he said.
The National Social Security Fund (NSSF) is working on a parallel health insurance scheme which is being fast-tracked for all its members. The NSSF scheme proposes health insurance for members funded by their contributions.
The health insurance bill which will actualise the scheme when enacted, proposes a consolidated and comprehensive social protection policy, whereby taxpayers in the formal sector contribute 4% of their gross salary earnings for health insurance. Workers already pay 30% of their salary as P.A.Y.E while 5% goes to NSSF.
Kenya, Rwanda and Nigeria are some of the African countries with similar healthcare schemes.
dtlumu@observer.ugThis e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it
Ssemujju Nganda: Protests bearing the desired fruits
Columnist
Written by Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda
Observer Thursday, 26 May 2011 20:16
One of the things Mr Museveni detests the most is putting him on tenterhooks (bunkenke) all the time.
Like many Ugandans, Museveni treats leadership as a contest that is decided by a single event like elections. Probably that is why he bribes Ugandans to vote for him and unleashes brutality on them when things are not going his way. Museveni has always been helped to hold onto this view by the failure of the opposition to sustain pressure on his administration beyond an election calendar.
After the elections, Museveni has in the past been afforded the luxury of ruling without disturbance. The period after election for him is time to reward loyalists. I am profoundly happy this is changing. If there is one single value the walk-to-work campaign has added to our body politic, it is the rebirth of accountability.
The time after election is now not for rewarding supporters but serving the country. That is what Chicago media scholar David Mervin emphasized in Mass Media in Modern Democracy (1996). Mervin argued that democracy cannot settle for a passive citizenry that merely chooses leaders and then forgets entirely about politics. Such a citizenry would not know what it wanted its public officials to do.
Forget how Museveni got re-elected. He must deliver and had better stop looking at the next five years as a harvest season. In fact for me, when I joined politics, I assigned myself two duties. The first, and I think most importantly, was to contribute to building civic competence. Ugandans ought to know that Museveni, or any leader for that matter, is doing us no favour.
In fact, leaders are paid to serve the citizens. I will very soon begin picking a salary from Parliament. This salary is not a gift or reward for winning elections but a facilitation to enable me represent the people of Kyadondo East. I must remain accountable to them at all times.
Therefore, the facilities we attach to the office of the President are not gifts or rewards for winning/rigging elections but rather for enabling the holder perform specific duties. The second reason I joined politics was to fill the vacuum created by the departure of decent people from politics and also to increase on the numbers joining it, especially in Buganda.
The reason there is less output from Parliament and local councils is because standards have been progressively and deliberately lowered by, mainly again, Museveni. You remember his infamous saying that he doesn’t mind as long as one wakes up from slumber to vote for NRM in Parliament?
His cabinet is like a market; anyone can enter it. Even Idi Amin, the semi-illiterate, had a better cabinet than Museveni. Since even the private sector will not flourish in a chaotic political environment, we better sort out politics first and then retreat to our private firms and businesses.
I get the feeling that Ugandans are now more aware of their rights than ever before. But a colleague asks me to differentiate between hatred of a regime and awareness. That people who pour onto the streets today to protest rising commodity prices and government failure to ameliorate the situation, do so out of hatred more than awareness.
But for me, whatever the motivation, I am happy people can protest even for no reason. In fact, if the government is so shaky that it is collapsing under the weight of the walk-to-work campaign, it better happen quickly rather than them looting what is left of our treasury in the next five years.
Our contract with Museveni is not to be president for the next five years but to serve us during this period. If he fails, he has no business completing the five years, as Uganda is not his private mailo land. Resorting to deployment of the military and police makes Museveni look a coward.
I have never doubted that Museveni is an intelligent man surrounded by some intelligent advisors. He better put his intelligence to use to reduce on the number of funerals and those crippled or forced into hospital beds resulting from police shooting at citizens.
Mr President, you better get ready for more protests; Uganda has changed. We will now hold you accountable. You chose to kill Parliament; now be ready to account to Kisekka market, Kireka or Kaleerwe.
The author is Kyadondo East MP.
Written by Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda
Observer Thursday, 26 May 2011 20:16
One of the things Mr Museveni detests the most is putting him on tenterhooks (bunkenke) all the time.
Like many Ugandans, Museveni treats leadership as a contest that is decided by a single event like elections. Probably that is why he bribes Ugandans to vote for him and unleashes brutality on them when things are not going his way. Museveni has always been helped to hold onto this view by the failure of the opposition to sustain pressure on his administration beyond an election calendar.
After the elections, Museveni has in the past been afforded the luxury of ruling without disturbance. The period after election for him is time to reward loyalists. I am profoundly happy this is changing. If there is one single value the walk-to-work campaign has added to our body politic, it is the rebirth of accountability.
The time after election is now not for rewarding supporters but serving the country. That is what Chicago media scholar David Mervin emphasized in Mass Media in Modern Democracy (1996). Mervin argued that democracy cannot settle for a passive citizenry that merely chooses leaders and then forgets entirely about politics. Such a citizenry would not know what it wanted its public officials to do.
Forget how Museveni got re-elected. He must deliver and had better stop looking at the next five years as a harvest season. In fact for me, when I joined politics, I assigned myself two duties. The first, and I think most importantly, was to contribute to building civic competence. Ugandans ought to know that Museveni, or any leader for that matter, is doing us no favour.
In fact, leaders are paid to serve the citizens. I will very soon begin picking a salary from Parliament. This salary is not a gift or reward for winning elections but a facilitation to enable me represent the people of Kyadondo East. I must remain accountable to them at all times.
Therefore, the facilities we attach to the office of the President are not gifts or rewards for winning/rigging elections but rather for enabling the holder perform specific duties. The second reason I joined politics was to fill the vacuum created by the departure of decent people from politics and also to increase on the numbers joining it, especially in Buganda.
The reason there is less output from Parliament and local councils is because standards have been progressively and deliberately lowered by, mainly again, Museveni. You remember his infamous saying that he doesn’t mind as long as one wakes up from slumber to vote for NRM in Parliament?
His cabinet is like a market; anyone can enter it. Even Idi Amin, the semi-illiterate, had a better cabinet than Museveni. Since even the private sector will not flourish in a chaotic political environment, we better sort out politics first and then retreat to our private firms and businesses.
I get the feeling that Ugandans are now more aware of their rights than ever before. But a colleague asks me to differentiate between hatred of a regime and awareness. That people who pour onto the streets today to protest rising commodity prices and government failure to ameliorate the situation, do so out of hatred more than awareness.
But for me, whatever the motivation, I am happy people can protest even for no reason. In fact, if the government is so shaky that it is collapsing under the weight of the walk-to-work campaign, it better happen quickly rather than them looting what is left of our treasury in the next five years.
Our contract with Museveni is not to be president for the next five years but to serve us during this period. If he fails, he has no business completing the five years, as Uganda is not his private mailo land. Resorting to deployment of the military and police makes Museveni look a coward.
I have never doubted that Museveni is an intelligent man surrounded by some intelligent advisors. He better put his intelligence to use to reduce on the number of funerals and those crippled or forced into hospital beds resulting from police shooting at citizens.
Mr President, you better get ready for more protests; Uganda has changed. We will now hold you accountable. You chose to kill Parliament; now be ready to account to Kisekka market, Kireka or Kaleerwe.
The author is Kyadondo East MP.
The leading human rights defender is a kid – Part 2
Children are very interesting people. They don’t mince their words and will tell you exactly what they think about you. Our neighbor one day owed my grandmother some little money. He knew that my grandmother was going to demand her money and either he didn’t want to pay or he never had the money. So he told his five year kid - Kasapuli, when Suzanna comes, tell her that I have gone to Kashenshero (some seven kilometers away) and the man got into his bed. When my grandmother arrived for her money and asked where the kid’s father had gone, the kid said, “Dad told me to tell you that he had gone to Kashenshero and went into his bedroom”. Another child, my cousin Byaruhanga also said it all in 1991. My grandfather Ruhindi (RIP) who had two big hills of land, a big plantation of Matoke and coffee and a number of cattle told the Census enumerator that his land was ½ an acre and that he had no cow and no coffee plantation. This he said because he thought his property would be used as a basis for levying graduated tax on him. His grandchild said immediately, “Shwenkuru arabeiha” Rukiga for “grandpa is telling a lie” and the child said all that my grandfather owned. In 2006, on a livelihood study in Kiyanga in the new Mitooma district, I asked a certain parent how often his family ate meat, the man told me twice a week. Immediately a four year kid said, we last ate meat on Chrismas and this was in August.This is how sincere children are. This is how truthful children can be.
This explains why Jesus had this to say, "Let the children come to me. Don't stop them! For the Kingdom of Heaven belongs to those who are like these children.” (Matthew 19: 14, Luke 18:16). The sincerity of the NBS kid renewed my undying love I have for children. While the NBS kid might have made those remarks out of sheer love for humanity and justice, there are other children who have been orphaned by the Police during the walk-to-work protests. The newspapers, radios and televisions have reported some nine others ten but someone posted a picture on my face book showing many dead bodies. Anyhow, whether people who died were nine or ten or more than that, they have families to which they were bread winners. Their children are now suffering for no good reason. I would expect the government to mount investigation into the matter of the people who died during the Walk-to-Work campaign and compensate their families.
We don’t even have to waste time apportioning responsibility. We know who caused those deaths. If the deaths were caused by the people who were walking, they should also be brought to book. But the culture of impunity must stop and stop now. I would want to believe that ours is a society anchored on the rule of law. And rule of law means that nobody is above the law – not even the king or an elected president. Rule of law brooks no impunity. We must be like Kasapuli and the NBS kid who takes my accolade as Uganda’s leading human rights defender. Accordingly, when our leaders propose the introduction of constitutional viruses as Professor Kanyeihamba calls them, we stand to say no. We must not infest our cherished constitution with bad amendments. We must also stand to tell off the police when they deviate from their constitutional obligation. We must tell the political leaders that they are our servants and not our bosses. We must not be subservient when they abuse our taxes for personal aggrandizement. We have seen the increase of ministerial posts and our leaders tell us it is for the public good; after one year, we must ask for results. We must not tire to ask for social services and political goods– jobs, quality education, a functioning healthcare system; good roads and freedom. I am quite sure, if you neglect your children, because of their truthful nature, if a neighbor interviews them, they will say the truth as it is. Unfortunately, we get morally depraved when we grow up and the situation becomes worse after attaining our education. How I wish our education could impel us to learn the good practices from children –especially compassion and truthfulness.
vnuwagaba@gmail.com
Mr. Nuwagaba is a human rights defender
This explains why Jesus had this to say, "Let the children come to me. Don't stop them! For the Kingdom of Heaven belongs to those who are like these children.” (Matthew 19: 14, Luke 18:16). The sincerity of the NBS kid renewed my undying love I have for children. While the NBS kid might have made those remarks out of sheer love for humanity and justice, there are other children who have been orphaned by the Police during the walk-to-work protests. The newspapers, radios and televisions have reported some nine others ten but someone posted a picture on my face book showing many dead bodies. Anyhow, whether people who died were nine or ten or more than that, they have families to which they were bread winners. Their children are now suffering for no good reason. I would expect the government to mount investigation into the matter of the people who died during the Walk-to-Work campaign and compensate their families.
We don’t even have to waste time apportioning responsibility. We know who caused those deaths. If the deaths were caused by the people who were walking, they should also be brought to book. But the culture of impunity must stop and stop now. I would want to believe that ours is a society anchored on the rule of law. And rule of law means that nobody is above the law – not even the king or an elected president. Rule of law brooks no impunity. We must be like Kasapuli and the NBS kid who takes my accolade as Uganda’s leading human rights defender. Accordingly, when our leaders propose the introduction of constitutional viruses as Professor Kanyeihamba calls them, we stand to say no. We must not infest our cherished constitution with bad amendments. We must also stand to tell off the police when they deviate from their constitutional obligation. We must tell the political leaders that they are our servants and not our bosses. We must not be subservient when they abuse our taxes for personal aggrandizement. We have seen the increase of ministerial posts and our leaders tell us it is for the public good; after one year, we must ask for results. We must not tire to ask for social services and political goods– jobs, quality education, a functioning healthcare system; good roads and freedom. I am quite sure, if you neglect your children, because of their truthful nature, if a neighbor interviews them, they will say the truth as it is. Unfortunately, we get morally depraved when we grow up and the situation becomes worse after attaining our education. How I wish our education could impel us to learn the good practices from children –especially compassion and truthfulness.
vnuwagaba@gmail.com
Mr. Nuwagaba is a human rights defender
The Leading Ugandan Human rights Defender is a Kid - Part 1
Vincent Nuwagaba
On Saturday 28 May, I was watching a programme on NBS Television which I was told is NBS Kids. I was not following keenly but I got interested when the presenter of the programme interviewed a kid who happens to be around 5 years old. The presenter asked the kid what annoys him most and the answer was the Police. When the kid was asked why the Police irk him, the young boy said, “They are bad because they torment innocent people with bullets and tear gas”. When asked what the police should do, he said, in Luganda, “Bave ku masasi ne tiya gasi bakole emirimo gyabwe” meaning “They should do away with bullets and tear gas and concentrate on their job”.
I was thrilled that a young boy of around five years understands very well that the police are bad people and that he knows that the job of the police is not to mete out violence and torture onto innocent civilians. Under Article 212 of the Constitution the functions of the Uganda Police Force include - (a) to protect life and property (b) to preserve law and order; (c) to prevent and detect crime; and (d) to co operate with the civilian authority and other security organs established under the constitution and with the population generally. I am sure to the amazement of the kid; the police have arrogated themselves Powers to threaten life and property and to provoke lawlessness and disorder. This is why I strongly assert that they are the ones provoking riots hence earning themselves a bad name – Provocation Officers not Police Officers and the institution now, Uganda Provocation Force, not Uganda Police Force.
The boy clearly stated that the bullets are meant to kill. I was left with nothing but maximum admiration for the young man. I admired him because he speaks my language and at his tender age he has already cut himself into a human rights defender and peacemaker.
But I also learnt that his primary agent of socialization – his family must be a noble family that cherishes justice. I would call upon the family and teachers of this young man whose name unfortunately I didn’t get, to continue shaping this young man into an unwavering defender of social justice. I also learnt that the educated and grown up people are not the monopoly of knowledge and I further learnt that anything that is illegitimate is discernible even to those we deride for not having attained formal education. In the court of public opinion –including toddlers the police has lost the case. The IGP and his superiors who undoubtedly sanctioned what the police have been and continue to do are also losers in the court of public opinion. This brings me to another issue of concern: the looming constitutional viruses with which the Fountain of Honour intends to infect our Constitution will be loathed by many including those who don’t know that we have in place a constitution. I borrow constitutional viruses and infection from the two leading constitutional law professors, Justice George W.Kanyeihamba and Joe Oloka-Onyango.
The words of the young boy reminded me of two things – the first, the statement attributed to Pope John Paul II that, “Man is born to live; war is meant to kill” and the second is the song by students while we were at Makerere University. During that time, whenever students, especially from the Mighty Empire, Lumumba (no pun intended if you are/were not a Lumumbist) would see the Police, they would sing, “Police, our murderers, we shall never forget you”. This was because of the brutality the Police often meted out on students. I am told, these days, they have substituted forget with forgive and they thus, sing “Police, our murderers, we shall never forgive you”. This shows how terrible the situation is. For the years I spent in Makerere, I often witnessed the police flushing out students in their halls and hostels in case there was a demonstration and flog them and take some to the cells. To the Police, I am happy; it is the children who have now blacklisted you. Please, be good Police Officers and not provocation officers and to the IGP, be an Inspector General of Police and not Inspector General of Provocation. I call upon MPs not to become Museveni’s Parliamentarians but Members of Parliament. Accordingly, they must enact laws for the good of Uganda not for the regime interests. Short of that, they will also be blacklisted by children akin to what has happened to the Police. To me, the NBS kid is the leading Ugandan human rights defender and I welcome him to the human rights family.
Mr. Nuwagaba is a human rights defender
vnuwagaba@gmail.com
On Saturday 28 May, I was watching a programme on NBS Television which I was told is NBS Kids. I was not following keenly but I got interested when the presenter of the programme interviewed a kid who happens to be around 5 years old. The presenter asked the kid what annoys him most and the answer was the Police. When the kid was asked why the Police irk him, the young boy said, “They are bad because they torment innocent people with bullets and tear gas”. When asked what the police should do, he said, in Luganda, “Bave ku masasi ne tiya gasi bakole emirimo gyabwe” meaning “They should do away with bullets and tear gas and concentrate on their job”.
I was thrilled that a young boy of around five years understands very well that the police are bad people and that he knows that the job of the police is not to mete out violence and torture onto innocent civilians. Under Article 212 of the Constitution the functions of the Uganda Police Force include - (a) to protect life and property (b) to preserve law and order; (c) to prevent and detect crime; and (d) to co operate with the civilian authority and other security organs established under the constitution and with the population generally. I am sure to the amazement of the kid; the police have arrogated themselves Powers to threaten life and property and to provoke lawlessness and disorder. This is why I strongly assert that they are the ones provoking riots hence earning themselves a bad name – Provocation Officers not Police Officers and the institution now, Uganda Provocation Force, not Uganda Police Force.
The boy clearly stated that the bullets are meant to kill. I was left with nothing but maximum admiration for the young man. I admired him because he speaks my language and at his tender age he has already cut himself into a human rights defender and peacemaker.
But I also learnt that his primary agent of socialization – his family must be a noble family that cherishes justice. I would call upon the family and teachers of this young man whose name unfortunately I didn’t get, to continue shaping this young man into an unwavering defender of social justice. I also learnt that the educated and grown up people are not the monopoly of knowledge and I further learnt that anything that is illegitimate is discernible even to those we deride for not having attained formal education. In the court of public opinion –including toddlers the police has lost the case. The IGP and his superiors who undoubtedly sanctioned what the police have been and continue to do are also losers in the court of public opinion. This brings me to another issue of concern: the looming constitutional viruses with which the Fountain of Honour intends to infect our Constitution will be loathed by many including those who don’t know that we have in place a constitution. I borrow constitutional viruses and infection from the two leading constitutional law professors, Justice George W.Kanyeihamba and Joe Oloka-Onyango.
The words of the young boy reminded me of two things – the first, the statement attributed to Pope John Paul II that, “Man is born to live; war is meant to kill” and the second is the song by students while we were at Makerere University. During that time, whenever students, especially from the Mighty Empire, Lumumba (no pun intended if you are/were not a Lumumbist) would see the Police, they would sing, “Police, our murderers, we shall never forget you”. This was because of the brutality the Police often meted out on students. I am told, these days, they have substituted forget with forgive and they thus, sing “Police, our murderers, we shall never forgive you”. This shows how terrible the situation is. For the years I spent in Makerere, I often witnessed the police flushing out students in their halls and hostels in case there was a demonstration and flog them and take some to the cells. To the Police, I am happy; it is the children who have now blacklisted you. Please, be good Police Officers and not provocation officers and to the IGP, be an Inspector General of Police and not Inspector General of Provocation. I call upon MPs not to become Museveni’s Parliamentarians but Members of Parliament. Accordingly, they must enact laws for the good of Uganda not for the regime interests. Short of that, they will also be blacklisted by children akin to what has happened to the Police. To me, the NBS kid is the leading Ugandan human rights defender and I welcome him to the human rights family.
Mr. Nuwagaba is a human rights defender
vnuwagaba@gmail.com
Comprehensive list of new Cabinet appointments + dropped ministers
The New Vision on Saturday, May 28, 2011 at 2:41am
MINISTERS
New FACES
Irene Muloni, Minister of Energy and Minerals
Tress Bucyanayandi, Minister of Agric. Animal Industry & Fisheries
Mary Karooro Okurut, Minister of Information & Guidance
Maria Kiwanuka, Minister of Finance and Economic Planning
Abraham Byandala, Minister of Works and Transport
Amelia Anne Kyambadde, Minister of Trade and Industry
Christine Androa, Minister of Health
Nasser Sebaggala, Minister without Portfolio
Bounced back
Moses Ali, 3rd Deputy Premier & Dep. Leader of Government Business
Wilson Mukasa Muruli, Minister of Security
Ruhakana Rugunda, Minister of Communications and ICT
Re-appointed
Eriya Kategaya, First deputy Premier & minister for E. African Affairs
Henry Kajura, Second dep. Premier & minister of public service
Kabakumba Masiko, Minister in charge of the presidency
Khidu Makubuya, Minister of General Duties, office of the Premier
Crispus Kiyonga, Minister of Defence
Stephen Mallinga, Minister of Disaster Preparedness and Refugees
Kahinda Otafiire, Minister of Justice
Syda Bbumba, Minister of Gender and Social Affairs
Maria Mutagamba, Minister of Water and Environment
Daudi Migereko, Minister of Lands, Housing and Urban Devt
Sam Kutesa, Minister of Foreign Affairs
Adolf Mwesige, Minister of Local Government
John Nasasira, Government Chief Whip
Ephraim Kamuntu, Minister of Tourism and Wildlife
Hilary Onek, Minister of Internal Affairs
ELEVATED
Janet Kataha Museveni, Minister for Karamoja
Jessica Alupo, Minister of Education and Sports
Peter Nyombi, Attorney General
Dropped
Aggrey Awori
Kirunda Kivejinja
Janat Mukwaya
Hope Mwesigye
Tarsis Kabwegyere
Namirembe Bitamazire
Gabriel Opio
Omara Atubo
State Ministers
New faces
Henry Banyenzaki, Minister of State for Economic Monitoring in the Office of the President
Rebecca Otengo Amuge, Minister of State for Northern Uganda
Barbara Negesa Oundo, Minister of State for Karamoja
Rose Nsereko Namayanja, Minister of State for Luweero Triangle
Saleh Kamba, Minister of State for Bunyoro Affairs
Zerubabel Nyiira, Minister of State for Agriculture
John Chrysostom Muyingo, Minister of State for Higher Education
Muyanja Mbabaali, Minister of State for Investment
Caroline Okayo Amal, Minister of State for Microfinance
Aston Kajara, Minister of State for Privatisation
Ronald Kibuule, Minister of State for Youth and Children Affairs
Sam Engola, Minister of State for Housing
Justin Kasule Lumumba, Minister of State for Urban Development
Flavia Munaba Nabugera, Minister of State for Environment
James Mutende Shinyabulo, Minister of State for Industry
Agnes Akiror, Minister of State for Tourism
Sarah Opendi, Minister of State for Lands
Alex Onzima, Minister of State for Local Government
BOUNCED BACK
Christine Aporu Amongin, Minister of State for Teso Affairs
Betty Bigombe, Minister of State for Water
Stephen Chebrot, Minister of State for Transport
Vincent Nyanzi, Minister of State in the Vice President’s Office
Peter Lokeris, Minister of State for Minerals
Rev. Fr. Simon Lokodo, Minister of State for Ethics and Integrity
Musa Ecweru, Minister of State for Relief and Disaster Preparedness
Henry Oryem Okello, Minister of State for International Affairs
Asuman Kiyingi, Minister of State for Regional Affairs
Ruth Sentamu Nankabirwa, Minister of State for Fisheries
Bright Rwamirama, Minister of State for Animal Industry
Charles Bakabulindi, Minister of State for Sports
Kamanda Bataringaya, Minister of State for Primary Education
Simon D’ujanga, Minister of State for Energy
Fred Omach, Minister of State for Finance (General)
Matia Kasaija, Minister of State for Planning
Aston Kajara, Minister of State for Privatisation
Rukia Nakadama, Minister of State for Gender and Culture
Rukutana Mwesigwa, Minister of State for Labour, Employment and Industrial Relations
Suleiman Madada, Minister of State for Elderly and Disability
Richard Nduhura, Minister of State for Health
James Kakooza, Minister of State for Primary Health Care
David Wakikona, Minister of State for Trade
John Byabagambi, Minister of State for Works
J.J Odongo, Minister of State for Defence
James Baba, Minister of State for Internal Affairs
Fred Ruhindi, Minister of State for Justice and Constitutional affairs/Deputy Attorney General
Nyombi Thembo, Minister of State for Communication (ICT)
Ssezi Mbaguta, Minister of State for Public Service
Dropped
Isaac Musumba
Jessica Eriyo
Emmanuel Otaala
Henry Bagire
Fred Mukisa
Rukia Chekamondo
Michael Werikhe
Urban Tibamanya
James Nsaba Buturo
Gagawala Wambuzi
Serapio Rukundo
Jennifer Namuyangu
Simon Ejua
Alintuma Nsambu
Perez Ahabwe
Related story can be found here: http://see.sc/34vCbf
MINISTERS
New FACES
Irene Muloni, Minister of Energy and Minerals
Tress Bucyanayandi, Minister of Agric. Animal Industry & Fisheries
Mary Karooro Okurut, Minister of Information & Guidance
Maria Kiwanuka, Minister of Finance and Economic Planning
Abraham Byandala, Minister of Works and Transport
Amelia Anne Kyambadde, Minister of Trade and Industry
Christine Androa, Minister of Health
Nasser Sebaggala, Minister without Portfolio
Bounced back
Moses Ali, 3rd Deputy Premier & Dep. Leader of Government Business
Wilson Mukasa Muruli, Minister of Security
Ruhakana Rugunda, Minister of Communications and ICT
Re-appointed
Eriya Kategaya, First deputy Premier & minister for E. African Affairs
Henry Kajura, Second dep. Premier & minister of public service
Kabakumba Masiko, Minister in charge of the presidency
Khidu Makubuya, Minister of General Duties, office of the Premier
Crispus Kiyonga, Minister of Defence
Stephen Mallinga, Minister of Disaster Preparedness and Refugees
Kahinda Otafiire, Minister of Justice
Syda Bbumba, Minister of Gender and Social Affairs
Maria Mutagamba, Minister of Water and Environment
Daudi Migereko, Minister of Lands, Housing and Urban Devt
Sam Kutesa, Minister of Foreign Affairs
Adolf Mwesige, Minister of Local Government
John Nasasira, Government Chief Whip
Ephraim Kamuntu, Minister of Tourism and Wildlife
Hilary Onek, Minister of Internal Affairs
ELEVATED
Janet Kataha Museveni, Minister for Karamoja
Jessica Alupo, Minister of Education and Sports
Peter Nyombi, Attorney General
Dropped
Aggrey Awori
Kirunda Kivejinja
Janat Mukwaya
Hope Mwesigye
Tarsis Kabwegyere
Namirembe Bitamazire
Gabriel Opio
Omara Atubo
State Ministers
New faces
Henry Banyenzaki, Minister of State for Economic Monitoring in the Office of the President
Rebecca Otengo Amuge, Minister of State for Northern Uganda
Barbara Negesa Oundo, Minister of State for Karamoja
Rose Nsereko Namayanja, Minister of State for Luweero Triangle
Saleh Kamba, Minister of State for Bunyoro Affairs
Zerubabel Nyiira, Minister of State for Agriculture
John Chrysostom Muyingo, Minister of State for Higher Education
Muyanja Mbabaali, Minister of State for Investment
Caroline Okayo Amal, Minister of State for Microfinance
Aston Kajara, Minister of State for Privatisation
Ronald Kibuule, Minister of State for Youth and Children Affairs
Sam Engola, Minister of State for Housing
Justin Kasule Lumumba, Minister of State for Urban Development
Flavia Munaba Nabugera, Minister of State for Environment
James Mutende Shinyabulo, Minister of State for Industry
Agnes Akiror, Minister of State for Tourism
Sarah Opendi, Minister of State for Lands
Alex Onzima, Minister of State for Local Government
BOUNCED BACK
Christine Aporu Amongin, Minister of State for Teso Affairs
Betty Bigombe, Minister of State for Water
Stephen Chebrot, Minister of State for Transport
Vincent Nyanzi, Minister of State in the Vice President’s Office
Peter Lokeris, Minister of State for Minerals
Rev. Fr. Simon Lokodo, Minister of State for Ethics and Integrity
Musa Ecweru, Minister of State for Relief and Disaster Preparedness
Henry Oryem Okello, Minister of State for International Affairs
Asuman Kiyingi, Minister of State for Regional Affairs
Ruth Sentamu Nankabirwa, Minister of State for Fisheries
Bright Rwamirama, Minister of State for Animal Industry
Charles Bakabulindi, Minister of State for Sports
Kamanda Bataringaya, Minister of State for Primary Education
Simon D’ujanga, Minister of State for Energy
Fred Omach, Minister of State for Finance (General)
Matia Kasaija, Minister of State for Planning
Aston Kajara, Minister of State for Privatisation
Rukia Nakadama, Minister of State for Gender and Culture
Rukutana Mwesigwa, Minister of State for Labour, Employment and Industrial Relations
Suleiman Madada, Minister of State for Elderly and Disability
Richard Nduhura, Minister of State for Health
James Kakooza, Minister of State for Primary Health Care
David Wakikona, Minister of State for Trade
John Byabagambi, Minister of State for Works
J.J Odongo, Minister of State for Defence
James Baba, Minister of State for Internal Affairs
Fred Ruhindi, Minister of State for Justice and Constitutional affairs/Deputy Attorney General
Nyombi Thembo, Minister of State for Communication (ICT)
Ssezi Mbaguta, Minister of State for Public Service
Dropped
Isaac Musumba
Jessica Eriyo
Emmanuel Otaala
Henry Bagire
Fred Mukisa
Rukia Chekamondo
Michael Werikhe
Urban Tibamanya
James Nsaba Buturo
Gagawala Wambuzi
Serapio Rukundo
Jennifer Namuyangu
Simon Ejua
Alintuma Nsambu
Perez Ahabwe
Related story can be found here: http://see.sc/34vCbf
Abuse Of State Power In Northern Uganda
A position paper by Peter Otai
Peter Otai is Former Ambassador, Member of Parliament & Minister of State for Defence 1980-1985
Delivered at Oxford Centre for Mission Studies
Tuesday January 28, 2003
The distinguished Hon. Norbert Mao MP from Uganda,
The Rt. Rev. Retired Bishop Baker MacLeod Ochola
Professors and Lecturers of this August Institution
Invited guests,
Ladies and Gentlemen
1. I would like to thank Dr. Ben Knighton and his staff for according me the privilege and honour to participate in this very important meeting, at a time when our beloved country is crying out aloud for peace, equitable socio -economic empowerment, constitutionalism and the re-assertion of the basic and fundamental God given human rights without let or hindrance.
2. "The Abuse of Power in Northern Uganda" enables us to examine the nature, character of government and the leadership that perpetuates such phenomena. Although the abuse of power in the north is much more pronounced, the NRM regime has perpetuated the abuse all over Uganda. Abuse of power is not unique to Uganda because old democratic states as well as nascent countries emerging from colonialism, have had to grapple with the problem of establishing a polity, which is characterised by the existence of a constitution, known conventions, transparent processes, rules, roles and procedures, that can guarantee freedoms and liberty of the people under their sovereignty, in order to avoid the abuse of power in any shape or form.
3. The abuse of State Power does not only occur in Northern Uganda but has been practiced in every part of the country. The regime in power, despite holding onto power for the last 17 years, has not been able to bring peace to the country, not even through its avowed policy of revolutionary violence.
4. The National Resistance Movement headed by President Lt. Gen. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni came to power by violence and has retained power through the abuse of it. I venture to suggest that the abuse of State Power in northern Uganda is intertwined with Museveni's insecurity of tenure and his lack of trust for democracy as a means of governance.
The Nature and character of Lt. Gen. Museveni and the NRM/A.
5. The NRM/A under the leadership of Lt. Gen. Museveni has been in power for the last 17 years. In all that time the NRM/A regime has faced unprecedented resistance, in most parts of the country, unmatched by any past experience.
6. When the National Resistance Movement and Army (NRM/A) led by Mr Yoweri Kaguta Museveni reneged on an accord signed between them and General Tito Okello's Military Council government, an agreement which stipulated power sharing with Museveni as Deputy to Tito Okello, among other things, most Ugandans who knew the type of person Museveni was knew that Museveni was going to implement a policy of protracted warfare as a means of deliberate use of violence to, allegedly, liberate the people. This is a policy espoused by Museveni as enunciated in his essay 'Fanon's Theory on violence: Its Verification in Liberated Mozambique' published in 1969.
Museveni's authoritarianism underpinned by a propensity for violence
7. Analysts of Uganda's politics during the tenure of Museveni have never got to grips with the motive forces propelling Museveni. Museveni's formative years coincided with the period of the independence struggle. Although Uganda achieved her independence peacefully, Museveni, whilst studying in Dar-es-Salaam University in Tanzania lived with exiles from Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa. All these exiles believed in an armed struggle. Whilst working as an Intelligence Officer in the General Service Unit in the Office of Dr. A.M. Obote in 1970/71 he once again fled back to Dar-es-Salaam when Idi Amin overthrew Dr. Obote's government. Museveni had a chance to interact with the radical lecturers in Dar-es-Salaam and visited Mozambique in the company of FRELIMO fighters.
8. When discussing Frantz Fanon's theory of Violence as presented in Fanon's 'The Wretched of the Earth' in Tanzania, Museveni quotes and lauds and recommends the use of violence by citing what Fanon says: "Violence alone, violence committed by the people, violence organised and educated by its leaders, makes it possible for the masses to understand social truths and gives the key to them."
9. Indeed, when interviewed by the magazine 'New African' of September 1980, Yoweri Museveni expresses the wish for the war against Amin to have lasted longer when he says, "Frankly, I would have preferred a much more protracted struggle. That would have given us time to sort out most of the problems we have now. As it was, the struggle was short and there were other people involved in it. It was a mixture of guerrilla warfare and conventional war by the Tanzanian army. So in my view, the process of deliberate use of violence to liberate the people was really not consummated. It was pre-empted by a quick victory and that is why we still have quite a number of problems. A more protracted struggle would have been the best".
10. From the above utterances Museveni shows to what degree of importance he attaches the resolution of issues and the achievement of a successful system of governance through violence.
11. The most startling and mind boggling revelation Museveni bequeaths to us in his analysis of Fanon's theory is when he makes a summation of a position through a warped understanding on how to make the enemy realise that he is not invincible. He states: "In a colonial situation, where the master has created the illusion of invincibility by habitually using intimidator colonial violence on the people, it is necessary to demonstrate to the masses that the enemy can be destroyed by revolutionary violence. It must be seen that the 'invincibility' of the enemy is just fraudulent; he is invincible because a revolutionary force using the correct methods of revolutionary violence has never challenged him. Hence in Mozambique it has been found necessary to show peasants fragments of a Portuguese soldier blown up by a mine or, better still, his head. Once the peasant sees guerrillas holding the head of the former master, the white man's head cold in death, the white skin, flowing hair, pointed nose and blue eyes notwithstanding, he will know, or at least begin to suspect, that the picture traditionally presented to him of the white man's invincibility is nothing but a scarecrow. Once the 'native' peasant in Mozambique and, I am sure, elsewhere has discovered that the oppressor can be destroyed, he moves with great speed engineered by the hatred for the enemy long in him."
12. Museveni thus believed in violence as a means "to liberate the people" so much so that when he failed to acquire power through elective process in the 1980 elections, he opted to go to the bush in order to continue with the protracted war from where the war against Idi Amin had stopped. Museveni, instead of challenging the 1980 election results through the courts of law, still preferred to go to war, not against a colonial people, whom Fanon had in mind, but against his own people. This was despite the fact that the Commonwealth Observer team during the elections had this to say in the Interim and Final Report respectively: "Despite the imperfections and deficiencies to which we have drawn attention. We believe this has been a valid electoral exercise which should broadly reflect the freely expressed choice of the people of Uganda." (Paragraph 20 page 4 of Interim Report: Uganda Elections Dec. 1980 the Report of the commonwealth Observer group). "Despite all deficiencies the electoral process cohered and held together even if come of its individual strands was frayed. Surmounting all obstacles, the people of Uganda like some great tidal wave, carried the electoral process to a worthy and valid conclusion." (See Para. 147 page 32 Final Report.)
13. When Museveni drove Tito Okello's government out of Kampala and established a government, he engineered a protracted war under the pretext of pursuing rebels when in reality he was trying to complete a process he regretted had not been consummated during the liberation war against Idi Amin because, as he claimed, a quick war against Amin prevented the use of violence as a process to liberate people (see New African Sept. 1980).
14. When the NRA swept through Kampala perpetuating an orgy of neck lacing anyone deemed to be a northerner or Anyanya who were alleged to be supporters of Dr. A.M. Obote II or Lt. Gen. Tito Okello's government, many people who had been willing to give Museveni a chance decided to resist his regime.
15. The 'Opposition' movements to the NRM/A have been reacting to violence unleashed by the NRM/A upon the people despite the NRM/A's successful ouster of the Gen. Tito Okello's Military council government.
16. The continued use of violence as a means of, allegedly, liberating people is deeply embedded in the political thinking of Lt. Gen. Museveni as a person and the NRM/A as a movement. Suffice it for us to cite examples to illustrate the point.
17. When appearing before a Human Rights Commission the Director of Uganda's National Resistance Army (NRA) School at Entebbe, Commander Kajabago Karushoke, said that, "Uganda could be categorised into two: People and what he called 'biological substances'. Explaining the categorisation he said, people comprised peasants, farmers, workers, and a small fraction of intellectuals'. "All others are biological substances who should be eliminated". He went on to add that the NRA aims to eliminate all those who stand in the way of the revolution. The NRA did not consider those opposed to it as human beings ... As far as the NRM was concerned ballot boxes were the guns and ballot papers the bullets... Elections were useless and unnecessary because the NRM knows what is good for the people" (see Standard No.22776 Nairobi Saturday 15 August 987).
18. Museveni's political and philosophical concept, besides being gleaned from the utterances of his surrogates like Karushoke quoted above, is encapsulated in some of his utterances and writings.
19. Lt. Gen. Museveni and the leading ideologues of the NRM/A philosophy have never hidden their distaste for democracy and respect for human rights: soon after Museveni captured power, BBC Panorama programme rushed to interview Museveni at the Nile Mansion Hotel, Kampala. During the interview Museveni startlingly revealed that he was unaware of the Geneva Conventions on war and the provisions, which relate to whether or not children under 16 can bear arms! His reaction was, "What are the Geneva Conventions on war? I have never read them." (Broadcast in March 1986)When President Lt.Gen. Museveni, Commander-in-Chief of NRA, and Minister of Defence and Chairman of Internal and External Security Committees professes ignorance of Geneva Conventions, it is no wonder that one of his surrogates, the Minister of State for Defence, Maj. Gen. Tinyefunza, talked openly of" taking few Captives" in war and impudently told the journalists that, "I would not mind killing 700 or 7000 if they behave in such a manner as to become military targets." (The Citizen, Vol7 No.45 week ending 22 May 1991)Or when yet another surrogate the 310 Brigade Administrative Officer, Lt. Kanyarutokye, disclosed how civilians in operations against UPA in Teso would be used as a human shield: "The people, the local Defence Forces (LDFs) will lead the operation while the NRA will follow from behind.. The ordinary people will be armed with pangas, spears and clubs while the NRA will be armed with guns." (Vol.6 No.114 Wednesday 15 May 1991 - New Vision) A government, which uses civilians, as a human shield for its army in operations does not deserve world support! Governments and human rights organizations, which have given praise to the NRM/A regime, for signing a number of Human Rights Conventions and protocols, should re-examine their attitude to a regime, which pulls wool over their eyes by signing conventions to which she does not adhere.
20. The Museveni regime, army and auxiliary intelligence organs have been responsible for expanding the vocabulary of torture because of the morbid, gruesome and unique methods used. The new words added to the literature on torture are: "Kandoya", "brief case" and "three piece suit". All the three methods involve typing, tightly, the hands of the victim, both at the wrist and elbow behind him and then extending the rope to loop up with the rope with which the legs are tied. The victim curls up into the shape of a wheel. The tightness of the ropes sometimes caused the victims chest to burst open. The name "brief case" came about because, like a brief case with a handle, the victim could at times be hung up onto a hook and left to dangle like a carcass. Few victims survive such torture and if any do they are crippled.
21. It is therefore no wonder that when questioned about torture, Lt.Gen. Museveni had this to say: "I don't know about torture. I have educated myself on many things but on torture I have not known the boundary between what is torture and what isn't torture. I know the NRA tie these people (rebels etc.) when they catch them. They tie their hands backwards. I am now told that it is torture. It is the traditional method". (Daily Nation of Nairobi 26/1/87)
22. Ignorance has never been a defence in law. The NRM/A and Lt. Gen. Museveni cannot hide behind it. There is no such tradition in Uganda! Not even animals are tied to the point of paralysis.
23. Amnesty International Reports, the United States Department of State reports to Congress; Human Rights Watch reports, the Uganda Law Society Reports and the Association of the Bar of the City of New York report of the Committee on International Human Rights, have all condemned the NRM/A regime for carrying out acts of extra-judicial executions, torture and illegal detentions, besides confirming that:
24. Ordinary civilians have been forced into grass thatched houses and burned alive, and any attempting to escape have been shot to death;
25. Men, women and children (both boys and girls) have been raped by the NRA whilst other members of the family watch (see Weekly topic 11 January 1991);
26. Food stocks for the "wanainchi" in granaries and the fields have been looted in operations code named "simsim" by the NRA or burned;
27. Livestock have been looted by the NRA sometimes under the guise of "Karamojong" who surprisingly take cattle to Kampala instead of Moroto or Kotido!
28. People have been incinerated in train wagons.
24. These are the actions of a so-called disciplined army whose government has signed and sworn to uphold Human Rights Conventions. These, rather, are the actions of a government, which parades a Human Rights Commission, whose powers to investigate the NRA are curtailed. Its propaganda value is not lost to NRM/NRA and Lt. Gen. Museveni.
25. In spite of persistent reports by Human Rights Groups accusing Lt.Gen. Museveni's army of committing atrocities of incredible magnitude, year in year out, since the NRM/A took power in January 1986, most of the international news media have not picked up the cue from these reports. The silence by some of the international media is deafening. These have made Ugandans cynical and accuse the media of double standards. Many Ugandans believe that some of the journalists who ought to know and could expose Museveni's terror are colluding with the regime in a massive cover-up. Having praised Museveni during his take over, are the journalists ashamed to admit that they had misread the signals from an incipient dictator?
26. Notwithstanding his ability to enjoy a favourable press, the policy of evacuating civilians from the so-called war zones unmasked the fascist and Nazi like streak in Lt.Gen. Museveni and the NRA. Hundreds and thousands of people in Kasese district, in Western Uganda, Gulu and Kitgum, in Northern Uganda and Soroti and Kumi in Eastern Uganda were placed into concentration camps from which, in the case of Soroti and Kumi, up to 10 to 15 persons died each day (see Catholic Diocese of Soroti report released by Teso relief Committee dated 12/3/90) besides the 30 to 50 able bodied persons who were taken away from the camps each night and never to be seen again. Lt.Gen personally commanded the operations in Kumi and Soroti districts. Before moving to set up the Command Post in Kumi where he received foreign dignitaries including the Rt. Hon Lynda Chalker, the Ambassadors of Germany and Cuba, Museveni vowed to "crush Teso rebels" (see New Vision 2/3/90). In this operation, nearly 300,000 people were herded into make shift camps which were ill equipped to care for any human beings. A large number of people died while many suffered from diarrhoea and vomiting. When people were taken away into concentration camps their homesteads were destroyed and granaries full of foodstuffs were destroyed. Government thus deliberately created a famine situation whose consequences were socially devastating for the people. The social fabric of society was dislocated since most of the camp inmates were women and children who were subjected to rapes by NRA believed to be sero-positive with aids (see report by African Evangelistic Enterprise dated 1/3/90 based in Nairobi). Fearful of contracting Aids, surviving husbands have refused to have sex with their wives!
27. Having placed 300,000 persons into camps, Lt.Gen. Museveni set loose the NRA against nearly 950,000 from Teso alone who had not been encamped. The area was virtually cordoned off and no one knows to date how many people died. In Teso alone, many people believe that over 250,000 people died in this Nazi-like operation. If the figure of deaths in Teso are combined with those of the people killed in Kitgum, Gulu, Apach, Lira, Mbale, Tororo, Kasese and Kampala Barracks these amount to astronomical figures. Museveni can thus rank high in the league of former killers such as Hitler, Stalin, and Emperor Bokassa etc.
28. In the case of the war in Teso Brig. Muhwezi, the then Director General of Internal Security (ISO), did the world a favour when he responded to an accusation in the Shariat newspaper, which had written that: "The NRA had butchered a quarter of a million Iteso."(See Shariat of 20th, July 1994)Muhwezi in his response is reported to have said in answer to Hussein Musa Njuki that: "It is wrong to use the word butchered, you would have used the word killed. The two words don't give the same meaning."(See The Shariat vol. 8, No. 30 of 26th, -31st,July 1994)
29. Indeed the Editorial of The Monitor of Friday December 25- January 1st, 1993 had questioned the population census figures of 1991 published in the New Vision when it wondered as to how the population of Teso had dramatically dropped from being the second highest to Buganda figured which for so long had been the case. The Editorial wondered whether the drop of the numbers was because "several of them perished in the bitter wars between the NRA and the rebels?"
30. When Museveni's language against opponents is punctuated by expressions like: "We shall assassinate and use terror.... We shall crush them" (see The Independent of 20.1.880) "We shall wipe them out" (Nairobi Standard 15.8.87)
31. "There was no policy of scorched earth. There has never been such policy. What there was, was a policy to destroy food stocks that were assisting the rebels." (See The New Vision 27.6.89) "Speculation about an impending coup was simply empty talk. No one can overthrow a revolutionary government. If anybody tried, he would end up six feet underground.."(Lt. Gen Museveni as reported by Radio Uganda, 28th, October 1989) "NRM WON'T LET FROGS TAKE POWER AGAIN"-Museveni. Citing another Kinyankole proverb that "When the owner of the house is not present and the frogs (read past governments) climb on the roof of his house, they will jump off when the owner returns." He, (Museveni) said that, "we have come back to our home and we shall no longer allow the frogs back". (Monitor No.153 Friday December 22 - 29, 1995)
32. Museveni was also asked whether he would work with Paul Ssemogerere if he (Ssemogerere) won the next Presidential elections due to take place this year (1996). He (Museveni) replied: "I would work with a devil rather than work with Ssemogerere. But can that idiot win? I am not looking for jobs. Ssemogerere has been practising hypocrisy for over 15 years. He is a double standard man. When he was still a minister of Foreign Affairs in NRM government, he used to go to donor countries and tell them not to give NRM government financial assistance because it is anti-multiparty. We are now following him closely and he has started his dubious characters. Don't be surprised when we arrest him one day. I cannot surrender my army to an idiot (Ssemogerere) who is campaigning in churches trying to convince Catholics to vote Catholic. I have built a national army with no religious discrimination. I cannot allow anybody to divide it on that line."(UDC Newsletter Vol.6 N.1 January 1996 - Uganda Democratic Alliance Inc. - U.S.A.) It is thus no wonder that Dr. Kizza Besigye who challenged Museveni for the Presidency had to flee the country despite Museveni allegedly winning. Once again this shows how intolerant Museveni is to opposition. "The first Deputy Prime Minister and National Political Commissar, Eriya Kategaya has dismissed the rebel West Nile Bank Force (WNBF) of Col. Juma Oris as hyenas with no 'mawulu' (left overs) to feast on because since 1986 the NRM has been the 'emperor' of the jungle." He (Kategaya) described 'the political hyenas' as nonsensical cowards - deputised by vultures, which are habitual waiters of rotting 'mawulu' abandoned by the lion to feed on. 'May be they will wait for the likes of Ssemogerere to feed on', he said amidst 'NRM oyee' from the crowd. The first deputy Premier said that the NRM has taken control of the jungle and there is no breathing space left for hyenas. 'This is not the era of left overs'". (The Monitor, News Analysis, Monday January 01-03, 1996)
33. The above quoted chilling utterances, by Lt. Gen Museveni and his lieutenants, have been a barrier to bridge building between and amongst our people. It is a language, which drives people to war rather than reconciliation.
34. When the NRA/NRM stormed Kampala on 25th/26th January 1986, driving Gen. Tito Okello's Military Council government out of power, after exercising Okello's and President Moi's governments in a charade of peace talks, showed Mr.Yoweri Kaguta Museveni in his true colours: Despite signing a solemn agreement making him Vice President to Tito Okello, he was not willing to play second fiddle. The negotiations were merely a ruse to give him time to amass enough arms to stage a coup d' grace against a leader with whom he had signed an agreement.
35. When Museveni reneged on the agreement he had signed with Gen. Tito Okello he pursued the UNLA forces that were fleeing northwards via the East. The NRA forces committed horrendous crimes as they went along. They treated the people in the east as enemies because they had not voted for his party in the 1980 election. They did not only necklace some people but looted their cattle, which had been the mainstay of their wealth. Instead of being magnanimous after defeating Tito's forces, they decided to punish these people. This NRA behaviour became the midwife of insurgency in the east and the north.
36. To add salt to the wound, When Lt. Gen. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni took power through the barrel of the gun, the government promulgated decrees suspending Chapter III of the 1967 Constitution, which embodied Fundamental Human Rights and he ruled, without those provisions, until they reappeared in the 1995 Constitution. Even then the 1995 Constitution embodied article 269 which banned political party activities that would have given people the chance to challenge the NRA/NRM political party under their own parties. It was astonishing to note that Museveni was willing to rule the country under the 1967 Constitution, which Museveni and his ilk, before taking power often denounced as unacceptable! However they were happy to use all other provisions of it, except the provisions providing for the observance of Fundamental Human Rights. Chapter III had to be suspended because it was inconsistent to provisions, which had been formulated for governance without political parties, as set out in a document entitled, 'Aims of the NRM/NRA Revolution' in which it was stipulated, as a major policy, that the first and most immediate act was: "The establishment, by force if necessary, of a one party popular democracy in Uganda under the NRM.... Only the NRM is allowed to operate in the country such that the other political parties i.e. UPC, DP, CP and NLP will cease to exist as required by the revolution".
37. Museveni thus set about establishing an authoritarian regime to enable him hang on to power ad infinitum. Indeed for the last 17 years Museveni has done everything to ensure that he governs under a one party system. Without the opportunity for people to exercise their inalienable rights to belong to parties of their choice there was every chance that opposition would express itself through insurgency.
38. Museveni has been adept at creating paraphernalia, which give a semblance of a democratic apparatus when in reality what he has established an authoritarian regime. The regime is anchored on, if I may use Amos Perlmutter's description 'a single authoritarian party' masquerading as the National Resistance Movement (NRM), 'a military complex and parallel auxiliary structures of domination, mobilization and control' (Amos Perlmutter-'Modern Authoritarianism, A comparative Analysis' published 1981). A state governed under a one party system or, a no-party system, is more susceptible to abuse state power because there are no checks and balance mechanisms.
39. The façade of a no-party state or one party state is the antithesis of a democratic system whose elements are essential for the establishment of lasting peace and good governance in any country. We must remind ourselves that these rights, though described as inalienable, inherent and God-given, did not fall from heaven like manna. In some mature democracies it took quite sometime to enact Bills of Rights into Law: England in the 1628 & 1688s, France with their Declaration of the Rights of Man 1789 and the USA in 1791. Whereas thee were documents relevant to these specific countries they were limited in scope because they sometimes did not give protection to foreigners under suspicion in those countries. However after the Second World War the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights laid down a foundation of minimum standards of basic Human rights. Additional Covenants to encompass civil and political rights were enacted; the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights with an optional protocol; and the International Covenant on Social and Economic Rights.
40. These documents have become standard requirements in almost all constitutions of the post world war two independent states, including Uganda. Indeed the 1995 constitution has Chapter IV, which provides for the observance of Fundamental freedoms but they are basically there for decoration rather than seriously protect basic human rights.
41. When he captured power in 1986, he promised the country fundamental change. He promised to stay in power for four years and hold democratic elections. But alas! After two years he shocked the country and the rest of the democratic world, when on his anniversary in power he declared: "Those who think that we are here temporarily are joking.... we are here to stay" (see Lt.Gen. Museveni-In the Financial Times Wednesday, 3rd February 1988)
42. The 1995 Constitution achieved what enabled Museveni to disingenuously claim to be starting his Presidency afresh. The fact that Museveni held office of President from 1986 to 1995 was to be deemed not to have taken place. As per the new Constitution Museveni's Presidential term had to be deemed to have commenced, not in 1986, but after the 1996 Presidential election. Since the new Constitution provided for a two-term office of five years each, it means that in 2006 Museveni will have held office for 20 years.
43. This cynical Constitutional manipulation is a travesty of democracy and constitutionalism.
44. It is easy for those who do not know the authoritarian nature of Museveni's regime to dismiss the reasons why some Ugandans have resisted Museveni's tyranny. Museveni's spin, manipulation and public relation have helped to mask his ugly face of tyranny. Ugandans are generally peace-loving people. Those who opt to resist Lt. Gen. Museveni's regime should have their case heard and not casually dismissed. To deny the Ugandan people the right to resist a tyranny is tantamount to saying that the people of Uganda should not rebel against tyranny and oppression perpetuated against them by a barbaric regime governing the country without observance of the rule of law.
45. The 1997 Movement Act moved the goal posts once again towards a one party system when it required that every Ugandan become a member of the National Resistance Movement in conformity to a drive towards a one party system. The Movement Act 1997 empowers the National Resistance Movement to conscript government institutions and social associations such as those of Youth, Workers and Disabled as organs of the Movement. The institutions so conscripted include Parliament, the Civil Service, the Police Force, Prison Services and Local Councils. In addition, the Movement has a full-fledged Secretariat run and maintained by public officers and financed from public funds. With this type of scenario there cannot be fair competition between the multiparty supporters and Movement. When a political association which is not supported by all the people and which has been ruling the country since January 1986 (now more than 17 years) is exempted from competing fairly in politics and elections with the other political associations, the outcome can only be continuous one-party rule which the referendum was designed to provide in the absence of the competitors against the Movement in the political arena. A law which compels every Ugandan to be a member of the Movement contravenes the provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of which we are signatories and also indeed the 1995 Constitution which provided in Chapter Four that: Article 20. "(1) Fundamental rights and freedoms of the individual are inherent and not granted by the State". Article 20 (2) of the Constitution further sates that, "The rights and freedoms of the individual and group enshrined in this Chapter shall be respected, upheld and promoted by all organs and agencies of Government and by all persons." And furthermore Article 29 (1) (e) reaffirms the right to association and basic freedoms when it states "Every person shall have the right to, (e) Freedom of association, which shall include the freedom to form and join Associations or unions, including trade unions and political and other civic Organizations."
46. Notwithstanding these beautiful platitudes in the constitution Museveni, of course, made sure that these rights could not be enjoyed by virtue of the fact that Article 269 of the 1995 Constitution made sure that political parties were denied the rights of Association, campaigning or promoting party candidates in elections. Civil society was denied the right to coalesce in the quest to ensure that the people remain weak, which is a recipe for totalitarianism.
All these rights have been violated and abused by the Uganda Movement regime with impunity
47. A lot has been said or written about the violation of civil and political rights of the people of Uganda, by President Museveni's regime, since they shot themselves to power in 1986. The following descriptions in the following chapters of a report by Human Rights which published in 1999 is self explanatory:
48. Chapter VIII : Arbitrary Pre-trial Detention: The abuse of Treason and other public order charges....
49. Torture, Coerced Confessions, and Treason Charges....
50. Abuse of treason charges as a method of political control....
51. Use of treason charges against children...
52. Chapter IX : The role of the International community...
53. Old wine in New Bottles: The shortcomings of the International Community.........
54. "New Leaders" Model ..............................
55. Flawed Engagement and Conspicuous Silence...
56. The United States.............
57. The European Union and its member States...
58. A star Pupil, Sheltered by the World Bank...
59. The impact of the International community's Lack of Resolve...
48. All the countries mentioned above are old democracies. They know what is not a democracy in the third world. They know, even more so, what is going on in Uganda? They know that Uganda is not a democracy. The regime rhetorically subscribes to good governance and yet they know it is a dictatorship. It is not accountable to its Parliament or to its people. There is no check and balance of power. But in the age of the war against terrorism President Lt. Gen. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni has mastered how to deal with these countries by knowing what buttons to press in order to buy acquiesces - silence from these democracies.
49. When Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait, there was universal outrage all over the world for Saddam's violation of Kuwait's territorial integrity and sovereignty, in contravention of the UN Charter. The UN immediately sanctioned the expulsion of Saddam from Kuwait. Iraq was ordered by the UN to pay reparations for the devastation of Kuwait. However when Museveni invaded Zaire/DRC, there was no outrage enough to trigger the UN to sanction the expulsion of Yoweri Museveni from the DRC. As Commander in Chief of UPDF and, for a part of the time the Minister of Defence, the guardians of the world order in the UN Security Council looked the other way. The death of 4.7 million Congolese in the area under the control Museveni and his proxy Congolese rebels, and the looting of DRC wealth has not raised an eyebrow among the major donors to Uganda despite UN reports confirming the massacres and plunder of the people and the wealth of the DRC.
50. Having gone to war in the Congo without Parliamentary sanction Museveni later decided to say to Parliament, to the astonishment of Members of Parliament that: "I need to inform you, Honourable members, that some of these things that we do are very well calculated. We are not adventurers; we have our scientific plans of doing things. In all these activities, we have our silent allies whom I do not need to mention here. They are not in the Congo but we always consult with them and we have been in the Congo with their knowledge. These allies are in Africa and abroad...I was of course going to discuss with these silent allies and then I would have come and talked to all of you and the army". (Ref: Uganda confidential May 26 - June 1, 2000)
51. The question is who are these silent partners with whom Museveni conspires to cause carnage, death and plunder to a sister OAU (now EU) without envisaging consequences, including being hauled to the International Crimes Court to answer charges of committing genocide.
52. It is quite clear from this that powerful donor countries have elevated Museveni to a state of believing that he is above International law. He is and has violated the rights of Ugandans and all her neighbours without fear of crashing sanctions.
53. The policies of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) have had a devastating effect on the living standards of the people of Uganda. The precipitate economic decline started in 1987 when Structural Adjustment Programme imposed on Uganda by IMF and the World Bank began.
54. The IMF programme entailed the introduction of tighter fiscal policy; steep devaluation of Uganda shilling which depreciated from Shs 60 = US$1.00 to Shs1580 = US$ 1.00.; conversion of old currency with 30% conversion tax-thus reducing money in circulation from Shs 800 bn to Shs 3.7 bn ; slashing government expenditure ( not military) ; trade liberalisation ( privatisation) ;removing restrictions of foreign exchange flows out of the country ; scrapping the old industrial licensing Board which allowed only quality industries and replacing it with the Open General Licence (OGL) allowing any body to set up industries. Museveni's government was also directed to refuse Libya's interest free loan of US$ 132 m.
55. The immediate net effect of this programme was to severely curtail the purchasing power of the ordinary Ugandan while at the same time reducing, drastically, government expenditure on social programmes, except the security and military organs. It also limited the freedom of the government of Uganda to look for loans that were competitive. All these, in my view, constitute a violation of the Human Rights of the people of Uganda, as defined by Article 55 of the United Nations Charter and United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
56. Trade liberalisation (privatisation) is one condition given by IMF and aid donor countries, which has had immediate negative effect on the well being of the people of Uganda. Uganda's privatisation programme started in earnest in 1994 as part of donor conditions that demanded reduced government subsidies to inefficient companies. 69 such companies have now been privatised. Uganda has lost out in this exercise. Not only has government's Privatisation Unit sold most of the national assets below the market value, some of the investors who bought these companies have defaulted on their payments. Only US $ 132 m have so far been realised from these sales. Because of government corruption, this money has not been invested into anything in the country.
57. Despite the continuing violation of Human Rights of the people of Uganda by Museveni's undemocratic government, donor countries have continued giving generous foreign aid averaging US $ 900 m per annum. About 59% of this in form of grants. Despite what Museveni said about foreign aid during his recent visit to Washington DC, his government's reliance on foreign donors to finance his budget has been increasing every year, since he grabbed power in 1986 and now stands at 53%
58. When the Secretary to the USA Treasury visited Uganda, he electrified the people when he asked what many felt were the right questions. When the regime organised the Secretary to visit what had been believed to be a show case school the Secretary was not impressed by the state of the school. He could not believe that the school would be so dilapidated. He was reported, by the newspapers, to have raised clearly and loudly a number of questions: "Where did our money go? Mr O'Neill said many Ugandans are still living without clean water and the ratio of school children to books is still not good. What is our aid going for if we can't have one book for one child? Where did the money go? Why couldn't there be US$30 million to give everybody in Uganda clean water? .... These are not things that cost money. People must demand these from their leaders. I cannot imagine that there are leaders in the world who would say that for our country we don't believe in the rule of law, we don't believe in contracts and we don't mind corruption. Asked if he would issue more debt relief, O'Neill said, one of the things is that debt relief is a good idea, but if a country can't even, after debt relief, pay her bills I have to wonder what the problem is." (Reference to Mr O'Neill's reaction reported by The Monitor of May 28 2002 after having visited a show school whose state he found to be abysmal despite the fact that the US Government had contributed to funds meant to improve schools. This was electric. But when Secretary O'Neill went back to the USA he became as quiet as a church mouse!!!)
59. All this money has not benefited the people of Uganda, except a few that are close to the President, politically or relatives. Social programmes have been neglected in preference to those that are used for suppression of political freedom and human rights violations. Yet donor countries have chosen to treat Museveni's government differently from other African governments, like that of President Moi of Kenya which was forced to introduce democratic political reforms by threatening to withhold foreign aid.
60. Some other examples of public evidence being available for the donor diplomats to be aware that something about UPE which some of them fund, and healthcare, is amiss is demonstrated by what appeared in Uganda papers about the state of hospitals and schools in some parts of the country: "As an American expert notes, 12 million people walk over 5 kms to a hospital in Uganda...The Ministry of Health asked for Shs.231 bn for the financial year 2002/03. The government slashed it down to Shs.204 bn. It was also affected by the 23% reduction to the budgets of all ministries to raise fund to fight rebels in the north. That leaves about Shs.160 bn". (Ref: The Monitor February 6, 2003.) "Money has gone but no schools in Teso. Roofs blown off classrooms, pupils studying under trees, flooded toilets and collapsing walls; these are the sights and results that led to the welcome of the Uganda Debt Network to Teso region's public schools two weeks ago. Olwelai Kamuda Primary School in Soroti is a step ahead. Its buildings have glass windows and doors. But the glass is so thin it is already broken. Four classes - P7, P6, P5 and P1 - sit in the classrooms. The rest - P2, P3 and P4 study from beneath mango trees. With children studying under trees lessons often have to be interrupted by rain... imagine a woman squatting behind a mango tree in a nearby bush; the kids she teaches breaking into giggles as they stare at her behind. Classroom buildings are roofless, toilets have sunk into the earth; huge cracks threaten the walls left standing; floors are missing and millions of shillings have been released to contractors under the school's facilities grant for work they have not done". (Ref: The Monitor December 8, 2002). This state of affairs is duplicated in most parts of Uganda.)
61. Although, the government of Uganda has introduced free Universal Primary Education (UPE), the lack of prior preparation for its implementation has created more problems than anticipated. Whereas some countries welcomed the plan with enthusiasm and offered to donate funds for fulfilment of scholastic education the infrastructure was not available to accommodate the influx of the pupils ready to take the challenge. The issue of how to deal with a higher intake at secondary schools has never been addressed, since most parents will not be able to fund further education for lack of financial capacity to meet fees!
62. Surely the Auditor Generals reports, which have always been made public, ought to have alerted the donors to realise that all is not well in the handling of their money by President Museveni's government. Their lack of oversight renders them as guilty as Museveni. With Museveni's addiction to war and weapons of war, it is no wonder that Museveni has the audacity to insult the donors by quixotically telling donors to their face that: "President Yoweri Museveni has once again warned donors against meddling in his defence plans. President Museveni blamed aid donors for aggravating security problems through their 'implicit alliance' with Sudan.... Yes, the President showed displeasure with the donors. He said that if they had not laid a law on how much of the budget should be spent of defence we would have a better prepared army which would deal with Kony and his people." (Ref: The Monitor of February 13 2003.) "I don't want aid, I want trade. Aid cannot transform society. If I get aid, it must be aid that enables me to trade.... the market place and its discipline can set us free". (Yoweri Museveni's statement reported by Charles Cobb Jr. Washington D.C. in the All Africa.com website and posted in June 11, 2003.)
63. When one reads and analyses President Museveni's bubbling utterances on issues in which he wants to please the donor authority by appearing to face both ways, the contradictory utterances make him seam to have gone stark staring bonkers. This chameleon character of Museveni is very disturbing. It almost makes one wonder if the guy is not suffering from cognitive dissonance: This the state of mind of a man who entertains two opposite views and claim both to be right!
64. Here is a man who says he does not need aid and yet without aid he would have nothing to show as an achievement of any kind. If your budget is 53% derived from donor aid and at the same time you are crying out against countries, which subsidise you when they subsidize their own agricultural production and produce, in the interest of their countries, how can you survive without donor money? Why crawl to Clair Short and beg for an increase in defence spending? He is begging so that he does not lose out on the donor aid! May be when the Doha declaration will answer Museveni's squeals.
65. Back in August 2001,Museveni wrote to the then British Overseas Development Minister, Clair Short, asking her government to allow him to increase his military expenditure by 123% over a three year period, from US $ 113 m to US $ 258 m, besides taking a swipe at President Paul Kagame.. This is how Museveni put his case to Rt. Hon. Clair Sort:
"I am therefore writing to you for two reasons: first of all, to inform you about the sad and childish developments here which nevertheless are very grave for this region. Secondly, to request you to show understanding to our intention to raise our defence spending beyond the 1.9% of GDP we had agreed with the donors. You remember, I have always held the view that given the instability of this regime, its naïve and inviting trouble to under spend perennially on defence. 1.9% of GDP has recently been translating into about $110 million per annum. This figure could be all right if we had finished the capital development of our army involving training NCOs and technical staff (pilots, tank crews, artillery crews, etc.)...and building barracks for our army to have decent accommodation". (Ref: President Museveni's letter to the Rt Hon. Clare Short, Secretary of State for Overseas Development, UK Government.)
66. Not only have these countries allowed President Museveni to violate Human Rights with impunity, and deny Social and Political Freedoms to the people of Uganda, they are allowing him to spend increased budgets on the military. They are also giving him money for fighting the civil war going on. For instance, they have endorsed Museveni's government's increased military budget, for the financial year beginning this month, by US $ 17.5 m to US $139 m. The USA has given Museveni US $ 3 m to fight the war in the north., the war which International Agencies have estimated to have cost Uganda US $1.33 bn so far.
67. The effect of Museveni embracing the SAPs meant that the IMF/WB had gone to bed with Museveni. They had to swim together or drown together: "The World Bank has touted Uganda's economic achievements and ignored its civil and political rights shortcomings, thereby playing a counter productive role in Uganda's democratisation process." (Ref: Human Rights Watch Report on Uganda entitled Hostile To Democracy: The Movement System and Political Repression in Uganda August 1999.)
68. In a study released in August 2002 by Transparency International, Uganda was placed as the second most corrupt country out of a list of 102 countries, which were scrutinised.
69. Surely, the fact Museveni's Uganda could not score well in the International Transparency study, after being at the helm of power, for over 16 years, should make donors realise that the baby, they are nursing, has had stunted growth. It is sufficiently clear that, the role of foreign aid donors in the violation of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, in Uganda has reduced the majority of Ugandans to conditions of abject poverty and deprivation, despite alleged donor assistance which many Ugandans cannot see it bear fruit. This has arisen because the donors have treated Museveni's dictatorship with kid gloves, despite open rampart corruption, which is condoned by the funders.
70. When Museveni publicly declares to his Parliament that:
"If you want to see dead bodies, let them go to ahead with the rally...You may see dead bodies...If you want to bury (the dead) go ahead" (Ref. The Nairobi Standard 8.5.93 &the Monitor 7-11 May 1993)
71. " The impact of the international community's lack of resolve.
By publicly ignoring the abuses of civil and political rights associated with the Movement system in Uganda, the international community undermines the effectiveness of its work on human rights and democracy elsewhere on the continent. A message is being sent that the international community will be willing to tolerate significant abuses of human rights, as long as the government maintains some surface acceptability. But by turning a blind eye to the abuses committed under the Movement system, it becomes more difficult to call for improved human rights records and increased democratisation in other countries, as the very notion of the universality of human rights is undermined. Human Rights then become a tool of foreign policy used against one's enemies and ignored in the case of one's friends." (Ref: Human Rights Watch Report on Uganda entitled Hostile To Democracy...1999.)
72. Whereas the generosity of the donors is well appreciated by the people of Uganda who hear about debt forgiveness of Uganda, and their generous funding of the development budget to the tune of 53 to 58%, the Ugandans do not see benefits that accrue to them through such touted generosity.
73. What pains many Ugandans is that when it comes to upholding the principles of good governance and democratic accountability in the manner that Moi, Kaunda and Kamuzu Banda were pressed to democratise by opening political space to pluralism, they feel the kid glove treatment of Museveni at the helm of a one party system or no party system as an equivalent to thrusting a dagger into Uganda's body-politic. It is tantamount to double standards highlighted by Human Rights Watch in the above quoted critic on "The impact of the international community's lack of resolve..."
74. Democracy, as the former Commonwealth Secretary General Chief Emeka Anyaoku once described it, is, inter alia, essentially about choice - choice of parties, choice of policies, and choice of personalities. This freedom of choice is meaningless without free elections. Free elections in turn entail the freedom of speech and of association. Without freedom of speech the appeal to reason, which is the basis of democracy, cannot be made. Without freedom of association, meaningful political parties are practically inconceivable because in the absence of freedom of association it is difficult for people to band together into parties and formulate policies to achieve their common ends. And none of these freedoms can be secured without the rule of law and an independent judiciary.
75. Indeed, on 29th, October 1993 at a seminar hosted by the Uganda Think Tank Foundation and the German Government Funded Friedrich Ebert Foundation, the USA Ambassador, Johnny Carson clashed with the then National Political Commissar (NPC) Eriya Kategaya, now 1st, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs. Ambassador Carson strongly criticised the so called "no-party democracy" stating that the absence of the words "political parties" in the American constitution does not mean they are forbidden, and challenged the Ugandan leadership to point to one country in the world where democracy works without parties.
76. As stated earlier, Uganda relies on donors for up to 53 to 58% funding of her annual budget. This gives these funders enormous leverage to pressurise President Museveni to democratise and to desist from perpetual involvement in warmongering against neighbours and internal civil conflict. These wars have lost Uganda friends and nurtured militarism as a method of governance. One can go as far as to say that Museveni cannot govern the country without a war. It is self evident that Museveni has been at war with his people throughout his political life to date! It is important to note that ever since Museveni captured power through the barrel of the gun in 1986 Uganda has been governed under a one party system to this day.
77. It is sad that one is compelled to agree with the notion stated in the topic because from my perspective meaningful economic growth can only be achieved in a democratic polity but since Uganda's donors have decided to bury their heads in the sand, like an ostrich, they thus share blame for Uganda's economic failures.
78. The idea of a referendum was a crafty device to salvage the conscience of some democrats, who would never entertain a 'no-party' or 'one party' state in their own back yard, but who have all along ignored the fact that from the moment Museveni took power Uganda was transformed into a one party state and, they went along with it. However, to allow Museveni to get away with it by way of a referendum under the guise that, if voted through, the people will, as a sovereign entity will have exercised their right is to miss the point. Firstly my inherent right should not be taken away by the state since it had not given it to me in the first instance; it should not be denied to a minority even if a majority had voted for the referendum. In other words it is not an issue appropriate to be decided upon by voting for or against. Those who vote overwhelmingly for the movement should not deny the minority to belong to political parties. In any case if the movement people are sure of winning each time, why deny the minority their right to choose whoever they want to be their representatives? To have insisted upon holding the Referendum, was tantamount to violating provisions in articles (Article 20, '1&2') and 29. (1,d &e) of the 1995 Constitution. It would also be in breach of Article 75 of the Constitution, which says that Parliament shall have no power to enact a law establishing a one Party state.
79. As if that is not enough, Museveni has another card up his sleeve to be plucked out before the end of 2006. I bet anyone that the infamous review Constitutional Commission will come up with recommendations that since Parties will have been given an eleventh hour of breathing space, the NRM which by then will admit publicly to have become a Party (although they have in fact been operating as such), will select their Presidential candidate (Museveni) to stand for the election, for the first time. I further bet that the revised constitution will also provide for a two-term or indefinite Presidency. Museveni, therefore, is looking at a Presidency lasting 30 years or more!
80. As Museveni continues to invent ways and means of extending his tenure, Uganda under President Museveni's suzerainty, will continue to bleed and as peoples rights abused with impunity, not only in the north, but will, as has been, continue to abuse power all over Uganda until 'cows' come home.
81. It is bewildering to note that despite the world anger over Nazi camps in Europe before and at the end of the 2nd World War, and the Serbian camps, on the other hand, however, camps containing well over 1.6million souls, in northern Uganda, bother no one!
82. Who else, if I may put it rhetorically, are accomplices to this abuse of power besides The Museveni regime? Has the notion, which was imprinted in our minds after the Second World War: 'NEVER AGAIN', lost its meaning WHEN THE PROBLEM IS IN AFRICA?
Peter Otai is Former Ambassador, Member of Parliament & Minister of State for Defence 1980-1985
Delivered at Oxford Centre for Mission Studies
Tuesday January 28, 2003
The distinguished Hon. Norbert Mao MP from Uganda,
The Rt. Rev. Retired Bishop Baker MacLeod Ochola
Professors and Lecturers of this August Institution
Invited guests,
Ladies and Gentlemen
1. I would like to thank Dr. Ben Knighton and his staff for according me the privilege and honour to participate in this very important meeting, at a time when our beloved country is crying out aloud for peace, equitable socio -economic empowerment, constitutionalism and the re-assertion of the basic and fundamental God given human rights without let or hindrance.
2. "The Abuse of Power in Northern Uganda" enables us to examine the nature, character of government and the leadership that perpetuates such phenomena. Although the abuse of power in the north is much more pronounced, the NRM regime has perpetuated the abuse all over Uganda. Abuse of power is not unique to Uganda because old democratic states as well as nascent countries emerging from colonialism, have had to grapple with the problem of establishing a polity, which is characterised by the existence of a constitution, known conventions, transparent processes, rules, roles and procedures, that can guarantee freedoms and liberty of the people under their sovereignty, in order to avoid the abuse of power in any shape or form.
3. The abuse of State Power does not only occur in Northern Uganda but has been practiced in every part of the country. The regime in power, despite holding onto power for the last 17 years, has not been able to bring peace to the country, not even through its avowed policy of revolutionary violence.
4. The National Resistance Movement headed by President Lt. Gen. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni came to power by violence and has retained power through the abuse of it. I venture to suggest that the abuse of State Power in northern Uganda is intertwined with Museveni's insecurity of tenure and his lack of trust for democracy as a means of governance.
The Nature and character of Lt. Gen. Museveni and the NRM/A.
5. The NRM/A under the leadership of Lt. Gen. Museveni has been in power for the last 17 years. In all that time the NRM/A regime has faced unprecedented resistance, in most parts of the country, unmatched by any past experience.
6. When the National Resistance Movement and Army (NRM/A) led by Mr Yoweri Kaguta Museveni reneged on an accord signed between them and General Tito Okello's Military Council government, an agreement which stipulated power sharing with Museveni as Deputy to Tito Okello, among other things, most Ugandans who knew the type of person Museveni was knew that Museveni was going to implement a policy of protracted warfare as a means of deliberate use of violence to, allegedly, liberate the people. This is a policy espoused by Museveni as enunciated in his essay 'Fanon's Theory on violence: Its Verification in Liberated Mozambique' published in 1969.
Museveni's authoritarianism underpinned by a propensity for violence
7. Analysts of Uganda's politics during the tenure of Museveni have never got to grips with the motive forces propelling Museveni. Museveni's formative years coincided with the period of the independence struggle. Although Uganda achieved her independence peacefully, Museveni, whilst studying in Dar-es-Salaam University in Tanzania lived with exiles from Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa. All these exiles believed in an armed struggle. Whilst working as an Intelligence Officer in the General Service Unit in the Office of Dr. A.M. Obote in 1970/71 he once again fled back to Dar-es-Salaam when Idi Amin overthrew Dr. Obote's government. Museveni had a chance to interact with the radical lecturers in Dar-es-Salaam and visited Mozambique in the company of FRELIMO fighters.
8. When discussing Frantz Fanon's theory of Violence as presented in Fanon's 'The Wretched of the Earth' in Tanzania, Museveni quotes and lauds and recommends the use of violence by citing what Fanon says: "Violence alone, violence committed by the people, violence organised and educated by its leaders, makes it possible for the masses to understand social truths and gives the key to them."
9. Indeed, when interviewed by the magazine 'New African' of September 1980, Yoweri Museveni expresses the wish for the war against Amin to have lasted longer when he says, "Frankly, I would have preferred a much more protracted struggle. That would have given us time to sort out most of the problems we have now. As it was, the struggle was short and there were other people involved in it. It was a mixture of guerrilla warfare and conventional war by the Tanzanian army. So in my view, the process of deliberate use of violence to liberate the people was really not consummated. It was pre-empted by a quick victory and that is why we still have quite a number of problems. A more protracted struggle would have been the best".
10. From the above utterances Museveni shows to what degree of importance he attaches the resolution of issues and the achievement of a successful system of governance through violence.
11. The most startling and mind boggling revelation Museveni bequeaths to us in his analysis of Fanon's theory is when he makes a summation of a position through a warped understanding on how to make the enemy realise that he is not invincible. He states: "In a colonial situation, where the master has created the illusion of invincibility by habitually using intimidator colonial violence on the people, it is necessary to demonstrate to the masses that the enemy can be destroyed by revolutionary violence. It must be seen that the 'invincibility' of the enemy is just fraudulent; he is invincible because a revolutionary force using the correct methods of revolutionary violence has never challenged him. Hence in Mozambique it has been found necessary to show peasants fragments of a Portuguese soldier blown up by a mine or, better still, his head. Once the peasant sees guerrillas holding the head of the former master, the white man's head cold in death, the white skin, flowing hair, pointed nose and blue eyes notwithstanding, he will know, or at least begin to suspect, that the picture traditionally presented to him of the white man's invincibility is nothing but a scarecrow. Once the 'native' peasant in Mozambique and, I am sure, elsewhere has discovered that the oppressor can be destroyed, he moves with great speed engineered by the hatred for the enemy long in him."
12. Museveni thus believed in violence as a means "to liberate the people" so much so that when he failed to acquire power through elective process in the 1980 elections, he opted to go to the bush in order to continue with the protracted war from where the war against Idi Amin had stopped. Museveni, instead of challenging the 1980 election results through the courts of law, still preferred to go to war, not against a colonial people, whom Fanon had in mind, but against his own people. This was despite the fact that the Commonwealth Observer team during the elections had this to say in the Interim and Final Report respectively: "Despite the imperfections and deficiencies to which we have drawn attention. We believe this has been a valid electoral exercise which should broadly reflect the freely expressed choice of the people of Uganda." (Paragraph 20 page 4 of Interim Report: Uganda Elections Dec. 1980 the Report of the commonwealth Observer group). "Despite all deficiencies the electoral process cohered and held together even if come of its individual strands was frayed. Surmounting all obstacles, the people of Uganda like some great tidal wave, carried the electoral process to a worthy and valid conclusion." (See Para. 147 page 32 Final Report.)
13. When Museveni drove Tito Okello's government out of Kampala and established a government, he engineered a protracted war under the pretext of pursuing rebels when in reality he was trying to complete a process he regretted had not been consummated during the liberation war against Idi Amin because, as he claimed, a quick war against Amin prevented the use of violence as a process to liberate people (see New African Sept. 1980).
14. When the NRA swept through Kampala perpetuating an orgy of neck lacing anyone deemed to be a northerner or Anyanya who were alleged to be supporters of Dr. A.M. Obote II or Lt. Gen. Tito Okello's government, many people who had been willing to give Museveni a chance decided to resist his regime.
15. The 'Opposition' movements to the NRM/A have been reacting to violence unleashed by the NRM/A upon the people despite the NRM/A's successful ouster of the Gen. Tito Okello's Military council government.
16. The continued use of violence as a means of, allegedly, liberating people is deeply embedded in the political thinking of Lt. Gen. Museveni as a person and the NRM/A as a movement. Suffice it for us to cite examples to illustrate the point.
17. When appearing before a Human Rights Commission the Director of Uganda's National Resistance Army (NRA) School at Entebbe, Commander Kajabago Karushoke, said that, "Uganda could be categorised into two: People and what he called 'biological substances'. Explaining the categorisation he said, people comprised peasants, farmers, workers, and a small fraction of intellectuals'. "All others are biological substances who should be eliminated". He went on to add that the NRA aims to eliminate all those who stand in the way of the revolution. The NRA did not consider those opposed to it as human beings ... As far as the NRM was concerned ballot boxes were the guns and ballot papers the bullets... Elections were useless and unnecessary because the NRM knows what is good for the people" (see Standard No.22776 Nairobi Saturday 15 August 987).
18. Museveni's political and philosophical concept, besides being gleaned from the utterances of his surrogates like Karushoke quoted above, is encapsulated in some of his utterances and writings.
19. Lt. Gen. Museveni and the leading ideologues of the NRM/A philosophy have never hidden their distaste for democracy and respect for human rights: soon after Museveni captured power, BBC Panorama programme rushed to interview Museveni at the Nile Mansion Hotel, Kampala. During the interview Museveni startlingly revealed that he was unaware of the Geneva Conventions on war and the provisions, which relate to whether or not children under 16 can bear arms! His reaction was, "What are the Geneva Conventions on war? I have never read them." (Broadcast in March 1986)When President Lt.Gen. Museveni, Commander-in-Chief of NRA, and Minister of Defence and Chairman of Internal and External Security Committees professes ignorance of Geneva Conventions, it is no wonder that one of his surrogates, the Minister of State for Defence, Maj. Gen. Tinyefunza, talked openly of" taking few Captives" in war and impudently told the journalists that, "I would not mind killing 700 or 7000 if they behave in such a manner as to become military targets." (The Citizen, Vol7 No.45 week ending 22 May 1991)Or when yet another surrogate the 310 Brigade Administrative Officer, Lt. Kanyarutokye, disclosed how civilians in operations against UPA in Teso would be used as a human shield: "The people, the local Defence Forces (LDFs) will lead the operation while the NRA will follow from behind.. The ordinary people will be armed with pangas, spears and clubs while the NRA will be armed with guns." (Vol.6 No.114 Wednesday 15 May 1991 - New Vision) A government, which uses civilians, as a human shield for its army in operations does not deserve world support! Governments and human rights organizations, which have given praise to the NRM/A regime, for signing a number of Human Rights Conventions and protocols, should re-examine their attitude to a regime, which pulls wool over their eyes by signing conventions to which she does not adhere.
20. The Museveni regime, army and auxiliary intelligence organs have been responsible for expanding the vocabulary of torture because of the morbid, gruesome and unique methods used. The new words added to the literature on torture are: "Kandoya", "brief case" and "three piece suit". All the three methods involve typing, tightly, the hands of the victim, both at the wrist and elbow behind him and then extending the rope to loop up with the rope with which the legs are tied. The victim curls up into the shape of a wheel. The tightness of the ropes sometimes caused the victims chest to burst open. The name "brief case" came about because, like a brief case with a handle, the victim could at times be hung up onto a hook and left to dangle like a carcass. Few victims survive such torture and if any do they are crippled.
21. It is therefore no wonder that when questioned about torture, Lt.Gen. Museveni had this to say: "I don't know about torture. I have educated myself on many things but on torture I have not known the boundary between what is torture and what isn't torture. I know the NRA tie these people (rebels etc.) when they catch them. They tie their hands backwards. I am now told that it is torture. It is the traditional method". (Daily Nation of Nairobi 26/1/87)
22. Ignorance has never been a defence in law. The NRM/A and Lt. Gen. Museveni cannot hide behind it. There is no such tradition in Uganda! Not even animals are tied to the point of paralysis.
23. Amnesty International Reports, the United States Department of State reports to Congress; Human Rights Watch reports, the Uganda Law Society Reports and the Association of the Bar of the City of New York report of the Committee on International Human Rights, have all condemned the NRM/A regime for carrying out acts of extra-judicial executions, torture and illegal detentions, besides confirming that:
24. Ordinary civilians have been forced into grass thatched houses and burned alive, and any attempting to escape have been shot to death;
25. Men, women and children (both boys and girls) have been raped by the NRA whilst other members of the family watch (see Weekly topic 11 January 1991);
26. Food stocks for the "wanainchi" in granaries and the fields have been looted in operations code named "simsim" by the NRA or burned;
27. Livestock have been looted by the NRA sometimes under the guise of "Karamojong" who surprisingly take cattle to Kampala instead of Moroto or Kotido!
28. People have been incinerated in train wagons.
24. These are the actions of a so-called disciplined army whose government has signed and sworn to uphold Human Rights Conventions. These, rather, are the actions of a government, which parades a Human Rights Commission, whose powers to investigate the NRA are curtailed. Its propaganda value is not lost to NRM/NRA and Lt. Gen. Museveni.
25. In spite of persistent reports by Human Rights Groups accusing Lt.Gen. Museveni's army of committing atrocities of incredible magnitude, year in year out, since the NRM/A took power in January 1986, most of the international news media have not picked up the cue from these reports. The silence by some of the international media is deafening. These have made Ugandans cynical and accuse the media of double standards. Many Ugandans believe that some of the journalists who ought to know and could expose Museveni's terror are colluding with the regime in a massive cover-up. Having praised Museveni during his take over, are the journalists ashamed to admit that they had misread the signals from an incipient dictator?
26. Notwithstanding his ability to enjoy a favourable press, the policy of evacuating civilians from the so-called war zones unmasked the fascist and Nazi like streak in Lt.Gen. Museveni and the NRA. Hundreds and thousands of people in Kasese district, in Western Uganda, Gulu and Kitgum, in Northern Uganda and Soroti and Kumi in Eastern Uganda were placed into concentration camps from which, in the case of Soroti and Kumi, up to 10 to 15 persons died each day (see Catholic Diocese of Soroti report released by Teso relief Committee dated 12/3/90) besides the 30 to 50 able bodied persons who were taken away from the camps each night and never to be seen again. Lt.Gen personally commanded the operations in Kumi and Soroti districts. Before moving to set up the Command Post in Kumi where he received foreign dignitaries including the Rt. Hon Lynda Chalker, the Ambassadors of Germany and Cuba, Museveni vowed to "crush Teso rebels" (see New Vision 2/3/90). In this operation, nearly 300,000 people were herded into make shift camps which were ill equipped to care for any human beings. A large number of people died while many suffered from diarrhoea and vomiting. When people were taken away into concentration camps their homesteads were destroyed and granaries full of foodstuffs were destroyed. Government thus deliberately created a famine situation whose consequences were socially devastating for the people. The social fabric of society was dislocated since most of the camp inmates were women and children who were subjected to rapes by NRA believed to be sero-positive with aids (see report by African Evangelistic Enterprise dated 1/3/90 based in Nairobi). Fearful of contracting Aids, surviving husbands have refused to have sex with their wives!
27. Having placed 300,000 persons into camps, Lt.Gen. Museveni set loose the NRA against nearly 950,000 from Teso alone who had not been encamped. The area was virtually cordoned off and no one knows to date how many people died. In Teso alone, many people believe that over 250,000 people died in this Nazi-like operation. If the figure of deaths in Teso are combined with those of the people killed in Kitgum, Gulu, Apach, Lira, Mbale, Tororo, Kasese and Kampala Barracks these amount to astronomical figures. Museveni can thus rank high in the league of former killers such as Hitler, Stalin, and Emperor Bokassa etc.
28. In the case of the war in Teso Brig. Muhwezi, the then Director General of Internal Security (ISO), did the world a favour when he responded to an accusation in the Shariat newspaper, which had written that: "The NRA had butchered a quarter of a million Iteso."(See Shariat of 20th, July 1994)Muhwezi in his response is reported to have said in answer to Hussein Musa Njuki that: "It is wrong to use the word butchered, you would have used the word killed. The two words don't give the same meaning."(See The Shariat vol. 8, No. 30 of 26th, -31st,July 1994)
29. Indeed the Editorial of The Monitor of Friday December 25- January 1st, 1993 had questioned the population census figures of 1991 published in the New Vision when it wondered as to how the population of Teso had dramatically dropped from being the second highest to Buganda figured which for so long had been the case. The Editorial wondered whether the drop of the numbers was because "several of them perished in the bitter wars between the NRA and the rebels?"
30. When Museveni's language against opponents is punctuated by expressions like: "We shall assassinate and use terror.... We shall crush them" (see The Independent of 20.1.880) "We shall wipe them out" (Nairobi Standard 15.8.87)
31. "There was no policy of scorched earth. There has never been such policy. What there was, was a policy to destroy food stocks that were assisting the rebels." (See The New Vision 27.6.89) "Speculation about an impending coup was simply empty talk. No one can overthrow a revolutionary government. If anybody tried, he would end up six feet underground.."(Lt. Gen Museveni as reported by Radio Uganda, 28th, October 1989) "NRM WON'T LET FROGS TAKE POWER AGAIN"-Museveni. Citing another Kinyankole proverb that "When the owner of the house is not present and the frogs (read past governments) climb on the roof of his house, they will jump off when the owner returns." He, (Museveni) said that, "we have come back to our home and we shall no longer allow the frogs back". (Monitor No.153 Friday December 22 - 29, 1995)
32. Museveni was also asked whether he would work with Paul Ssemogerere if he (Ssemogerere) won the next Presidential elections due to take place this year (1996). He (Museveni) replied: "I would work with a devil rather than work with Ssemogerere. But can that idiot win? I am not looking for jobs. Ssemogerere has been practising hypocrisy for over 15 years. He is a double standard man. When he was still a minister of Foreign Affairs in NRM government, he used to go to donor countries and tell them not to give NRM government financial assistance because it is anti-multiparty. We are now following him closely and he has started his dubious characters. Don't be surprised when we arrest him one day. I cannot surrender my army to an idiot (Ssemogerere) who is campaigning in churches trying to convince Catholics to vote Catholic. I have built a national army with no religious discrimination. I cannot allow anybody to divide it on that line."(UDC Newsletter Vol.6 N.1 January 1996 - Uganda Democratic Alliance Inc. - U.S.A.) It is thus no wonder that Dr. Kizza Besigye who challenged Museveni for the Presidency had to flee the country despite Museveni allegedly winning. Once again this shows how intolerant Museveni is to opposition. "The first Deputy Prime Minister and National Political Commissar, Eriya Kategaya has dismissed the rebel West Nile Bank Force (WNBF) of Col. Juma Oris as hyenas with no 'mawulu' (left overs) to feast on because since 1986 the NRM has been the 'emperor' of the jungle." He (Kategaya) described 'the political hyenas' as nonsensical cowards - deputised by vultures, which are habitual waiters of rotting 'mawulu' abandoned by the lion to feed on. 'May be they will wait for the likes of Ssemogerere to feed on', he said amidst 'NRM oyee' from the crowd. The first deputy Premier said that the NRM has taken control of the jungle and there is no breathing space left for hyenas. 'This is not the era of left overs'". (The Monitor, News Analysis, Monday January 01-03, 1996)
33. The above quoted chilling utterances, by Lt. Gen Museveni and his lieutenants, have been a barrier to bridge building between and amongst our people. It is a language, which drives people to war rather than reconciliation.
34. When the NRA/NRM stormed Kampala on 25th/26th January 1986, driving Gen. Tito Okello's Military Council government out of power, after exercising Okello's and President Moi's governments in a charade of peace talks, showed Mr.Yoweri Kaguta Museveni in his true colours: Despite signing a solemn agreement making him Vice President to Tito Okello, he was not willing to play second fiddle. The negotiations were merely a ruse to give him time to amass enough arms to stage a coup d' grace against a leader with whom he had signed an agreement.
35. When Museveni reneged on the agreement he had signed with Gen. Tito Okello he pursued the UNLA forces that were fleeing northwards via the East. The NRA forces committed horrendous crimes as they went along. They treated the people in the east as enemies because they had not voted for his party in the 1980 election. They did not only necklace some people but looted their cattle, which had been the mainstay of their wealth. Instead of being magnanimous after defeating Tito's forces, they decided to punish these people. This NRA behaviour became the midwife of insurgency in the east and the north.
36. To add salt to the wound, When Lt. Gen. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni took power through the barrel of the gun, the government promulgated decrees suspending Chapter III of the 1967 Constitution, which embodied Fundamental Human Rights and he ruled, without those provisions, until they reappeared in the 1995 Constitution. Even then the 1995 Constitution embodied article 269 which banned political party activities that would have given people the chance to challenge the NRA/NRM political party under their own parties. It was astonishing to note that Museveni was willing to rule the country under the 1967 Constitution, which Museveni and his ilk, before taking power often denounced as unacceptable! However they were happy to use all other provisions of it, except the provisions providing for the observance of Fundamental Human Rights. Chapter III had to be suspended because it was inconsistent to provisions, which had been formulated for governance without political parties, as set out in a document entitled, 'Aims of the NRM/NRA Revolution' in which it was stipulated, as a major policy, that the first and most immediate act was: "The establishment, by force if necessary, of a one party popular democracy in Uganda under the NRM.... Only the NRM is allowed to operate in the country such that the other political parties i.e. UPC, DP, CP and NLP will cease to exist as required by the revolution".
37. Museveni thus set about establishing an authoritarian regime to enable him hang on to power ad infinitum. Indeed for the last 17 years Museveni has done everything to ensure that he governs under a one party system. Without the opportunity for people to exercise their inalienable rights to belong to parties of their choice there was every chance that opposition would express itself through insurgency.
38. Museveni has been adept at creating paraphernalia, which give a semblance of a democratic apparatus when in reality what he has established an authoritarian regime. The regime is anchored on, if I may use Amos Perlmutter's description 'a single authoritarian party' masquerading as the National Resistance Movement (NRM), 'a military complex and parallel auxiliary structures of domination, mobilization and control' (Amos Perlmutter-'Modern Authoritarianism, A comparative Analysis' published 1981). A state governed under a one party system or, a no-party system, is more susceptible to abuse state power because there are no checks and balance mechanisms.
39. The façade of a no-party state or one party state is the antithesis of a democratic system whose elements are essential for the establishment of lasting peace and good governance in any country. We must remind ourselves that these rights, though described as inalienable, inherent and God-given, did not fall from heaven like manna. In some mature democracies it took quite sometime to enact Bills of Rights into Law: England in the 1628 & 1688s, France with their Declaration of the Rights of Man 1789 and the USA in 1791. Whereas thee were documents relevant to these specific countries they were limited in scope because they sometimes did not give protection to foreigners under suspicion in those countries. However after the Second World War the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights laid down a foundation of minimum standards of basic Human rights. Additional Covenants to encompass civil and political rights were enacted; the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights with an optional protocol; and the International Covenant on Social and Economic Rights.
40. These documents have become standard requirements in almost all constitutions of the post world war two independent states, including Uganda. Indeed the 1995 constitution has Chapter IV, which provides for the observance of Fundamental freedoms but they are basically there for decoration rather than seriously protect basic human rights.
41. When he captured power in 1986, he promised the country fundamental change. He promised to stay in power for four years and hold democratic elections. But alas! After two years he shocked the country and the rest of the democratic world, when on his anniversary in power he declared: "Those who think that we are here temporarily are joking.... we are here to stay" (see Lt.Gen. Museveni-In the Financial Times Wednesday, 3rd February 1988)
42. The 1995 Constitution achieved what enabled Museveni to disingenuously claim to be starting his Presidency afresh. The fact that Museveni held office of President from 1986 to 1995 was to be deemed not to have taken place. As per the new Constitution Museveni's Presidential term had to be deemed to have commenced, not in 1986, but after the 1996 Presidential election. Since the new Constitution provided for a two-term office of five years each, it means that in 2006 Museveni will have held office for 20 years.
43. This cynical Constitutional manipulation is a travesty of democracy and constitutionalism.
44. It is easy for those who do not know the authoritarian nature of Museveni's regime to dismiss the reasons why some Ugandans have resisted Museveni's tyranny. Museveni's spin, manipulation and public relation have helped to mask his ugly face of tyranny. Ugandans are generally peace-loving people. Those who opt to resist Lt. Gen. Museveni's regime should have their case heard and not casually dismissed. To deny the Ugandan people the right to resist a tyranny is tantamount to saying that the people of Uganda should not rebel against tyranny and oppression perpetuated against them by a barbaric regime governing the country without observance of the rule of law.
45. The 1997 Movement Act moved the goal posts once again towards a one party system when it required that every Ugandan become a member of the National Resistance Movement in conformity to a drive towards a one party system. The Movement Act 1997 empowers the National Resistance Movement to conscript government institutions and social associations such as those of Youth, Workers and Disabled as organs of the Movement. The institutions so conscripted include Parliament, the Civil Service, the Police Force, Prison Services and Local Councils. In addition, the Movement has a full-fledged Secretariat run and maintained by public officers and financed from public funds. With this type of scenario there cannot be fair competition between the multiparty supporters and Movement. When a political association which is not supported by all the people and which has been ruling the country since January 1986 (now more than 17 years) is exempted from competing fairly in politics and elections with the other political associations, the outcome can only be continuous one-party rule which the referendum was designed to provide in the absence of the competitors against the Movement in the political arena. A law which compels every Ugandan to be a member of the Movement contravenes the provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of which we are signatories and also indeed the 1995 Constitution which provided in Chapter Four that: Article 20. "(1) Fundamental rights and freedoms of the individual are inherent and not granted by the State". Article 20 (2) of the Constitution further sates that, "The rights and freedoms of the individual and group enshrined in this Chapter shall be respected, upheld and promoted by all organs and agencies of Government and by all persons." And furthermore Article 29 (1) (e) reaffirms the right to association and basic freedoms when it states "Every person shall have the right to, (e) Freedom of association, which shall include the freedom to form and join Associations or unions, including trade unions and political and other civic Organizations."
46. Notwithstanding these beautiful platitudes in the constitution Museveni, of course, made sure that these rights could not be enjoyed by virtue of the fact that Article 269 of the 1995 Constitution made sure that political parties were denied the rights of Association, campaigning or promoting party candidates in elections. Civil society was denied the right to coalesce in the quest to ensure that the people remain weak, which is a recipe for totalitarianism.
All these rights have been violated and abused by the Uganda Movement regime with impunity
47. A lot has been said or written about the violation of civil and political rights of the people of Uganda, by President Museveni's regime, since they shot themselves to power in 1986. The following descriptions in the following chapters of a report by Human Rights which published in 1999 is self explanatory:
48. Chapter VIII : Arbitrary Pre-trial Detention: The abuse of Treason and other public order charges....
49. Torture, Coerced Confessions, and Treason Charges....
50. Abuse of treason charges as a method of political control....
51. Use of treason charges against children...
52. Chapter IX : The role of the International community...
53. Old wine in New Bottles: The shortcomings of the International Community.........
54. "New Leaders" Model ..............................
55. Flawed Engagement and Conspicuous Silence...
56. The United States.............
57. The European Union and its member States...
58. A star Pupil, Sheltered by the World Bank...
59. The impact of the International community's Lack of Resolve...
48. All the countries mentioned above are old democracies. They know what is not a democracy in the third world. They know, even more so, what is going on in Uganda? They know that Uganda is not a democracy. The regime rhetorically subscribes to good governance and yet they know it is a dictatorship. It is not accountable to its Parliament or to its people. There is no check and balance of power. But in the age of the war against terrorism President Lt. Gen. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni has mastered how to deal with these countries by knowing what buttons to press in order to buy acquiesces - silence from these democracies.
49. When Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait, there was universal outrage all over the world for Saddam's violation of Kuwait's territorial integrity and sovereignty, in contravention of the UN Charter. The UN immediately sanctioned the expulsion of Saddam from Kuwait. Iraq was ordered by the UN to pay reparations for the devastation of Kuwait. However when Museveni invaded Zaire/DRC, there was no outrage enough to trigger the UN to sanction the expulsion of Yoweri Museveni from the DRC. As Commander in Chief of UPDF and, for a part of the time the Minister of Defence, the guardians of the world order in the UN Security Council looked the other way. The death of 4.7 million Congolese in the area under the control Museveni and his proxy Congolese rebels, and the looting of DRC wealth has not raised an eyebrow among the major donors to Uganda despite UN reports confirming the massacres and plunder of the people and the wealth of the DRC.
50. Having gone to war in the Congo without Parliamentary sanction Museveni later decided to say to Parliament, to the astonishment of Members of Parliament that: "I need to inform you, Honourable members, that some of these things that we do are very well calculated. We are not adventurers; we have our scientific plans of doing things. In all these activities, we have our silent allies whom I do not need to mention here. They are not in the Congo but we always consult with them and we have been in the Congo with their knowledge. These allies are in Africa and abroad...I was of course going to discuss with these silent allies and then I would have come and talked to all of you and the army". (Ref: Uganda confidential May 26 - June 1, 2000)
51. The question is who are these silent partners with whom Museveni conspires to cause carnage, death and plunder to a sister OAU (now EU) without envisaging consequences, including being hauled to the International Crimes Court to answer charges of committing genocide.
52. It is quite clear from this that powerful donor countries have elevated Museveni to a state of believing that he is above International law. He is and has violated the rights of Ugandans and all her neighbours without fear of crashing sanctions.
53. The policies of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) have had a devastating effect on the living standards of the people of Uganda. The precipitate economic decline started in 1987 when Structural Adjustment Programme imposed on Uganda by IMF and the World Bank began.
54. The IMF programme entailed the introduction of tighter fiscal policy; steep devaluation of Uganda shilling which depreciated from Shs 60 = US$1.00 to Shs1580 = US$ 1.00.; conversion of old currency with 30% conversion tax-thus reducing money in circulation from Shs 800 bn to Shs 3.7 bn ; slashing government expenditure ( not military) ; trade liberalisation ( privatisation) ;removing restrictions of foreign exchange flows out of the country ; scrapping the old industrial licensing Board which allowed only quality industries and replacing it with the Open General Licence (OGL) allowing any body to set up industries. Museveni's government was also directed to refuse Libya's interest free loan of US$ 132 m.
55. The immediate net effect of this programme was to severely curtail the purchasing power of the ordinary Ugandan while at the same time reducing, drastically, government expenditure on social programmes, except the security and military organs. It also limited the freedom of the government of Uganda to look for loans that were competitive. All these, in my view, constitute a violation of the Human Rights of the people of Uganda, as defined by Article 55 of the United Nations Charter and United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
56. Trade liberalisation (privatisation) is one condition given by IMF and aid donor countries, which has had immediate negative effect on the well being of the people of Uganda. Uganda's privatisation programme started in earnest in 1994 as part of donor conditions that demanded reduced government subsidies to inefficient companies. 69 such companies have now been privatised. Uganda has lost out in this exercise. Not only has government's Privatisation Unit sold most of the national assets below the market value, some of the investors who bought these companies have defaulted on their payments. Only US $ 132 m have so far been realised from these sales. Because of government corruption, this money has not been invested into anything in the country.
57. Despite the continuing violation of Human Rights of the people of Uganda by Museveni's undemocratic government, donor countries have continued giving generous foreign aid averaging US $ 900 m per annum. About 59% of this in form of grants. Despite what Museveni said about foreign aid during his recent visit to Washington DC, his government's reliance on foreign donors to finance his budget has been increasing every year, since he grabbed power in 1986 and now stands at 53%
58. When the Secretary to the USA Treasury visited Uganda, he electrified the people when he asked what many felt were the right questions. When the regime organised the Secretary to visit what had been believed to be a show case school the Secretary was not impressed by the state of the school. He could not believe that the school would be so dilapidated. He was reported, by the newspapers, to have raised clearly and loudly a number of questions: "Where did our money go? Mr O'Neill said many Ugandans are still living without clean water and the ratio of school children to books is still not good. What is our aid going for if we can't have one book for one child? Where did the money go? Why couldn't there be US$30 million to give everybody in Uganda clean water? .... These are not things that cost money. People must demand these from their leaders. I cannot imagine that there are leaders in the world who would say that for our country we don't believe in the rule of law, we don't believe in contracts and we don't mind corruption. Asked if he would issue more debt relief, O'Neill said, one of the things is that debt relief is a good idea, but if a country can't even, after debt relief, pay her bills I have to wonder what the problem is." (Reference to Mr O'Neill's reaction reported by The Monitor of May 28 2002 after having visited a show school whose state he found to be abysmal despite the fact that the US Government had contributed to funds meant to improve schools. This was electric. But when Secretary O'Neill went back to the USA he became as quiet as a church mouse!!!)
59. All this money has not benefited the people of Uganda, except a few that are close to the President, politically or relatives. Social programmes have been neglected in preference to those that are used for suppression of political freedom and human rights violations. Yet donor countries have chosen to treat Museveni's government differently from other African governments, like that of President Moi of Kenya which was forced to introduce democratic political reforms by threatening to withhold foreign aid.
60. Some other examples of public evidence being available for the donor diplomats to be aware that something about UPE which some of them fund, and healthcare, is amiss is demonstrated by what appeared in Uganda papers about the state of hospitals and schools in some parts of the country: "As an American expert notes, 12 million people walk over 5 kms to a hospital in Uganda...The Ministry of Health asked for Shs.231 bn for the financial year 2002/03. The government slashed it down to Shs.204 bn. It was also affected by the 23% reduction to the budgets of all ministries to raise fund to fight rebels in the north. That leaves about Shs.160 bn". (Ref: The Monitor February 6, 2003.) "Money has gone but no schools in Teso. Roofs blown off classrooms, pupils studying under trees, flooded toilets and collapsing walls; these are the sights and results that led to the welcome of the Uganda Debt Network to Teso region's public schools two weeks ago. Olwelai Kamuda Primary School in Soroti is a step ahead. Its buildings have glass windows and doors. But the glass is so thin it is already broken. Four classes - P7, P6, P5 and P1 - sit in the classrooms. The rest - P2, P3 and P4 study from beneath mango trees. With children studying under trees lessons often have to be interrupted by rain... imagine a woman squatting behind a mango tree in a nearby bush; the kids she teaches breaking into giggles as they stare at her behind. Classroom buildings are roofless, toilets have sunk into the earth; huge cracks threaten the walls left standing; floors are missing and millions of shillings have been released to contractors under the school's facilities grant for work they have not done". (Ref: The Monitor December 8, 2002). This state of affairs is duplicated in most parts of Uganda.)
61. Although, the government of Uganda has introduced free Universal Primary Education (UPE), the lack of prior preparation for its implementation has created more problems than anticipated. Whereas some countries welcomed the plan with enthusiasm and offered to donate funds for fulfilment of scholastic education the infrastructure was not available to accommodate the influx of the pupils ready to take the challenge. The issue of how to deal with a higher intake at secondary schools has never been addressed, since most parents will not be able to fund further education for lack of financial capacity to meet fees!
62. Surely the Auditor Generals reports, which have always been made public, ought to have alerted the donors to realise that all is not well in the handling of their money by President Museveni's government. Their lack of oversight renders them as guilty as Museveni. With Museveni's addiction to war and weapons of war, it is no wonder that Museveni has the audacity to insult the donors by quixotically telling donors to their face that: "President Yoweri Museveni has once again warned donors against meddling in his defence plans. President Museveni blamed aid donors for aggravating security problems through their 'implicit alliance' with Sudan.... Yes, the President showed displeasure with the donors. He said that if they had not laid a law on how much of the budget should be spent of defence we would have a better prepared army which would deal with Kony and his people." (Ref: The Monitor of February 13 2003.) "I don't want aid, I want trade. Aid cannot transform society. If I get aid, it must be aid that enables me to trade.... the market place and its discipline can set us free". (Yoweri Museveni's statement reported by Charles Cobb Jr. Washington D.C. in the All Africa.com website and posted in June 11, 2003.)
63. When one reads and analyses President Museveni's bubbling utterances on issues in which he wants to please the donor authority by appearing to face both ways, the contradictory utterances make him seam to have gone stark staring bonkers. This chameleon character of Museveni is very disturbing. It almost makes one wonder if the guy is not suffering from cognitive dissonance: This the state of mind of a man who entertains two opposite views and claim both to be right!
64. Here is a man who says he does not need aid and yet without aid he would have nothing to show as an achievement of any kind. If your budget is 53% derived from donor aid and at the same time you are crying out against countries, which subsidise you when they subsidize their own agricultural production and produce, in the interest of their countries, how can you survive without donor money? Why crawl to Clair Short and beg for an increase in defence spending? He is begging so that he does not lose out on the donor aid! May be when the Doha declaration will answer Museveni's squeals.
65. Back in August 2001,Museveni wrote to the then British Overseas Development Minister, Clair Short, asking her government to allow him to increase his military expenditure by 123% over a three year period, from US $ 113 m to US $ 258 m, besides taking a swipe at President Paul Kagame.. This is how Museveni put his case to Rt. Hon. Clair Sort:
"I am therefore writing to you for two reasons: first of all, to inform you about the sad and childish developments here which nevertheless are very grave for this region. Secondly, to request you to show understanding to our intention to raise our defence spending beyond the 1.9% of GDP we had agreed with the donors. You remember, I have always held the view that given the instability of this regime, its naïve and inviting trouble to under spend perennially on defence. 1.9% of GDP has recently been translating into about $110 million per annum. This figure could be all right if we had finished the capital development of our army involving training NCOs and technical staff (pilots, tank crews, artillery crews, etc.)...and building barracks for our army to have decent accommodation". (Ref: President Museveni's letter to the Rt Hon. Clare Short, Secretary of State for Overseas Development, UK Government.)
66. Not only have these countries allowed President Museveni to violate Human Rights with impunity, and deny Social and Political Freedoms to the people of Uganda, they are allowing him to spend increased budgets on the military. They are also giving him money for fighting the civil war going on. For instance, they have endorsed Museveni's government's increased military budget, for the financial year beginning this month, by US $ 17.5 m to US $139 m. The USA has given Museveni US $ 3 m to fight the war in the north., the war which International Agencies have estimated to have cost Uganda US $1.33 bn so far.
67. The effect of Museveni embracing the SAPs meant that the IMF/WB had gone to bed with Museveni. They had to swim together or drown together: "The World Bank has touted Uganda's economic achievements and ignored its civil and political rights shortcomings, thereby playing a counter productive role in Uganda's democratisation process." (Ref: Human Rights Watch Report on Uganda entitled Hostile To Democracy: The Movement System and Political Repression in Uganda August 1999.)
68. In a study released in August 2002 by Transparency International, Uganda was placed as the second most corrupt country out of a list of 102 countries, which were scrutinised.
69. Surely, the fact Museveni's Uganda could not score well in the International Transparency study, after being at the helm of power, for over 16 years, should make donors realise that the baby, they are nursing, has had stunted growth. It is sufficiently clear that, the role of foreign aid donors in the violation of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, in Uganda has reduced the majority of Ugandans to conditions of abject poverty and deprivation, despite alleged donor assistance which many Ugandans cannot see it bear fruit. This has arisen because the donors have treated Museveni's dictatorship with kid gloves, despite open rampart corruption, which is condoned by the funders.
70. When Museveni publicly declares to his Parliament that:
"If you want to see dead bodies, let them go to ahead with the rally...You may see dead bodies...If you want to bury (the dead) go ahead" (Ref. The Nairobi Standard 8.5.93 &the Monitor 7-11 May 1993)
71. " The impact of the international community's lack of resolve.
By publicly ignoring the abuses of civil and political rights associated with the Movement system in Uganda, the international community undermines the effectiveness of its work on human rights and democracy elsewhere on the continent. A message is being sent that the international community will be willing to tolerate significant abuses of human rights, as long as the government maintains some surface acceptability. But by turning a blind eye to the abuses committed under the Movement system, it becomes more difficult to call for improved human rights records and increased democratisation in other countries, as the very notion of the universality of human rights is undermined. Human Rights then become a tool of foreign policy used against one's enemies and ignored in the case of one's friends." (Ref: Human Rights Watch Report on Uganda entitled Hostile To Democracy...1999.)
72. Whereas the generosity of the donors is well appreciated by the people of Uganda who hear about debt forgiveness of Uganda, and their generous funding of the development budget to the tune of 53 to 58%, the Ugandans do not see benefits that accrue to them through such touted generosity.
73. What pains many Ugandans is that when it comes to upholding the principles of good governance and democratic accountability in the manner that Moi, Kaunda and Kamuzu Banda were pressed to democratise by opening political space to pluralism, they feel the kid glove treatment of Museveni at the helm of a one party system or no party system as an equivalent to thrusting a dagger into Uganda's body-politic. It is tantamount to double standards highlighted by Human Rights Watch in the above quoted critic on "The impact of the international community's lack of resolve..."
74. Democracy, as the former Commonwealth Secretary General Chief Emeka Anyaoku once described it, is, inter alia, essentially about choice - choice of parties, choice of policies, and choice of personalities. This freedom of choice is meaningless without free elections. Free elections in turn entail the freedom of speech and of association. Without freedom of speech the appeal to reason, which is the basis of democracy, cannot be made. Without freedom of association, meaningful political parties are practically inconceivable because in the absence of freedom of association it is difficult for people to band together into parties and formulate policies to achieve their common ends. And none of these freedoms can be secured without the rule of law and an independent judiciary.
75. Indeed, on 29th, October 1993 at a seminar hosted by the Uganda Think Tank Foundation and the German Government Funded Friedrich Ebert Foundation, the USA Ambassador, Johnny Carson clashed with the then National Political Commissar (NPC) Eriya Kategaya, now 1st, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs. Ambassador Carson strongly criticised the so called "no-party democracy" stating that the absence of the words "political parties" in the American constitution does not mean they are forbidden, and challenged the Ugandan leadership to point to one country in the world where democracy works without parties.
76. As stated earlier, Uganda relies on donors for up to 53 to 58% funding of her annual budget. This gives these funders enormous leverage to pressurise President Museveni to democratise and to desist from perpetual involvement in warmongering against neighbours and internal civil conflict. These wars have lost Uganda friends and nurtured militarism as a method of governance. One can go as far as to say that Museveni cannot govern the country without a war. It is self evident that Museveni has been at war with his people throughout his political life to date! It is important to note that ever since Museveni captured power through the barrel of the gun in 1986 Uganda has been governed under a one party system to this day.
77. It is sad that one is compelled to agree with the notion stated in the topic because from my perspective meaningful economic growth can only be achieved in a democratic polity but since Uganda's donors have decided to bury their heads in the sand, like an ostrich, they thus share blame for Uganda's economic failures.
78. The idea of a referendum was a crafty device to salvage the conscience of some democrats, who would never entertain a 'no-party' or 'one party' state in their own back yard, but who have all along ignored the fact that from the moment Museveni took power Uganda was transformed into a one party state and, they went along with it. However, to allow Museveni to get away with it by way of a referendum under the guise that, if voted through, the people will, as a sovereign entity will have exercised their right is to miss the point. Firstly my inherent right should not be taken away by the state since it had not given it to me in the first instance; it should not be denied to a minority even if a majority had voted for the referendum. In other words it is not an issue appropriate to be decided upon by voting for or against. Those who vote overwhelmingly for the movement should not deny the minority to belong to political parties. In any case if the movement people are sure of winning each time, why deny the minority their right to choose whoever they want to be their representatives? To have insisted upon holding the Referendum, was tantamount to violating provisions in articles (Article 20, '1&2') and 29. (1,d &e) of the 1995 Constitution. It would also be in breach of Article 75 of the Constitution, which says that Parliament shall have no power to enact a law establishing a one Party state.
79. As if that is not enough, Museveni has another card up his sleeve to be plucked out before the end of 2006. I bet anyone that the infamous review Constitutional Commission will come up with recommendations that since Parties will have been given an eleventh hour of breathing space, the NRM which by then will admit publicly to have become a Party (although they have in fact been operating as such), will select their Presidential candidate (Museveni) to stand for the election, for the first time. I further bet that the revised constitution will also provide for a two-term or indefinite Presidency. Museveni, therefore, is looking at a Presidency lasting 30 years or more!
80. As Museveni continues to invent ways and means of extending his tenure, Uganda under President Museveni's suzerainty, will continue to bleed and as peoples rights abused with impunity, not only in the north, but will, as has been, continue to abuse power all over Uganda until 'cows' come home.
81. It is bewildering to note that despite the world anger over Nazi camps in Europe before and at the end of the 2nd World War, and the Serbian camps, on the other hand, however, camps containing well over 1.6million souls, in northern Uganda, bother no one!
82. Who else, if I may put it rhetorically, are accomplices to this abuse of power besides The Museveni regime? Has the notion, which was imprinted in our minds after the Second World War: 'NEVER AGAIN', lost its meaning WHEN THE PROBLEM IS IN AFRICA?
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