THE ORDEAL I HAVE GONE THROUGH FOR JUST BEING HUMAN

Now my former phony friends are attacking me and the reason as to why they do attack me is because I am insisting justice , social, economic, political or whatever form is an inherent right to which all are entitled. That tells you after all those that have been claiming to fight for justice, have always been liars. My genuine friends say equality is untenable we try equity. My unadulterated belief is that equality is tenable and inviolable. You ask me how. The scriptures have already given us the formula. Be guided by the MORAL RULE. In Christianity, the moral rule is "Do to others as you would have them do to you". Luke 6:31. I never want to be dehumanised, exploited, denigrated, dispossessed, disrespected, disregarded, deprived, alienated and extorted. I have never done any of these things to anybody. If you show me only one person that I did anything related to these things, I will drink hemlock from the City Square and leave Planet earth.

I know somebody will say, you threw a stone at MISR one day. Ask that person, what was the cause. People in Uganda are very funny. Funny indeed, they want to judge me by the standards with which they cannot allow themselves to be judged. Do you know why I have no address and identity as I speak? Do you ever know why my PhD fellowship that I received in 2013 was ostensibly suspended (of course illegally since the suspender had neither admitted me nor was he the owner of the fellowship?

I HAVE ALWAYS BEEN A VICTIM OF ROTTEN INJUSTICE
Do you ever know that the MISR PhD Administrator once got me out of the library, used all the brute force, bartered me, tied me with ropes, took me to the police from where they drove me to the Mulago Psychiatric unit. Of course, the Mulago people couldn't stupidly admit a person as a patient yet clearly is being subjected to mental, psychological and physical torture.

I called Dr Lawyer Kafureeka who was at CBR. They drove me to CBR and painfully Dr. Kafureeka jumped on the Vehicle and they drove me to Butabika. Because I had been taken there by MISR staff I requested to be taken to the Private Wing of the Hospital. Dr. Lawyer Kafureeka or Simon Musoke can explain whether by request to be taken into the Private Wing was granted.

Below is the email exchange that can explain exactly what I am.

Notice and Warning Letter from Simon Musoke
Inbox
x

Vincent Nuwagaba <vnuwagaba@gmail.com>
11/26/13

to Mahmood, simon.musoke, bcc: george.owor, bcc: kenyawe
Dear Prof Mamdani,

I have received a letter from Simon Musoke, a PhD administrator at
MISR purporting that he has "received numerous complaints from the
management staff of MISR library" about what he called "my
inappropriate behaviour whenever I have visited the library". He adds
that the following are some of the complaints that have been raised.

I would like to respond to each allegation raised against me. 1. That
I "abuse the library staff, call them all sorts of names like them
being terrorists and agents of the state, manhandle them, threaten to
beat them up, tell them how I am joining MISR as a PhD student in
January 2014 and how close I am to the Director, disregarding the
rules and procedures given to me in using the library facility, and
also despising them". My response to this is that I have never abused
anyone because I am a liberated man. I believe in the Golden Rule of
morality which is espoused by all religions that I know of. In
Christianity, the Golden rule states, "Do to others as you would have
them do to you" (Luke 6:31, Matthew 7:12). In Islam the golden rule
states that, "None of you is a believer until he desires for his
brother that which he desires for himself". In the Bahai Faith, the
golden rule is "Blessed is he who prefers his brother before himself".
In Budhism, the golden rule is "Hurt not others in ways that you would
find hurtful". In Judaism, the golden rule is "What is hateful to you,
do not to your fellow man".

Accordingly, Simon Musoke and the alleged MISR library staff hate
being abused. But they have perfected the art of abusing. Even sex
workers are better behaved than them. I was kidnapped on the morning
of Monday 25, November and went through hell. I found the books that I
had including the readings for Sunday 24, and my Rosary at the MISR
reception. Am I wrong to suspect that they belong to the dirty tricks
unit?

As for Simon Musoke, he tells me he is a sociologist. Sociologists are
supposed to be scientific. I am sure he knows that these people - the
complainants have a mental virus but he sides with them. Yet he is a
PhD administrator. I suspect that he has a mens rea for making life
difficult for me even if I have started. On the 21, October I was
tormented by the security guard of the law school under what he told
me were "orders from above". I ran towards MISR for rescue but I found
hell with Simon. I firmly believe that Simon will not give me a
condusive environment to study.

I have all the rights to use MISR library. In fact, I am already a PhD
student. The only difference is that we are in the period of holidays.
Otherwise, upon admission, I think and maybe I am wrong that one
becomes a student immediately. Accordingly, if Simon Musoke is the one
who admitted me, let him now dismiss me. If you, iconic Professor
Mamdani together with your able team admitted me, I beg for a fair
hearing. As a human rights defender, I know the right to a fair
hearing is a non-derogable right. On the basis of this letter which I
am going to scan, I am filing a suit of libel against Simon Musoke.
And professor, before you listen to both sides (a legal principle of
audi alteram partem), I can only feel safe and secure in the MISR
library for it provides me with academic growth. Besides, Simon always
sends us regular correspondences, how does he expect me to respond to
them.

On whether I am known to you, I was a member of the Prof Mamdani
discussion group together with Simba Salie, Stephen Arojjo, Crispy
Kintu Nyago, Mesharch Katusiime, Henry Kassacca and Enock Kiyaga
Mayanja among others. I also assisted Morris Nsamba to collect data
for you as you were writing your book "Scholars in the Market Place".
As a student leader I led the student volunteers team at the CODESRIA
General Assembly of December 2002 which was hosted at the
International Conference Centre to honour you Prof Mamdani. Prof
Adebayo Olukoshi gave us the volunteers free membership but I also
have my other academic home at CBR which you started. Should I be
victimised because I know you?

Finally, I am reliably informed that my tormentors are not employees of MISR but of the University Library. I beg that they be transferred where their uncouth behaviour can be brooked. I also beg that Simon restrains from his patronising and condescending attitute. I have refused to be patronised by Kayihura, Otafiire - my area MP and Yoweri Museveni. I can only be patronised by the almighty God. Accordingly, I will never stop using the library until I have gotten express orders from you. And I am sure you cannot do that out of irrational emotions, impulse for you cannot be swayed by any wind to any direction.

Sincerely,

VINCENT NUWAGABA
+256702843552

Vincent Nuwagaba <vnuwagaba@gmail.com>
11/26/13

to nuwamanyaalfred

Mahmood Mamdani <mm1124@columbia.edu>
11/26/13

to Irene, me, simon.musoke
Dear Vincent Nuwagaba,

I write to you as Executive Director of MISR. In light of what has happened, I am suspending your admission to the 2014 class pending a final decision of the meeting of the PhD teaching staff.

Please note that you do not have privileges to use the MISR library since you are neither a student nor a staff member. I advise you to stay away from MISR premises.

Sincerely,
Mahmood Mamdani

Comrades, help me, 1) ask Prof. Mamdani whether it is proper or professorial to condemn people unheard. In law, we have a principle of audi alteram partem which means hear both sides. This is a non-derogable right in our Constitution spelt out in Article 44.

Ask when the "final decision of the meeting of the PhD teaching staff" was made, who made that decision in particular (names), what decision was made and how legal or legitimate was that decision?

For the benefit of whoever is reading this, I met Prof. Mahmood in December. When we met I explained to him the genesis and how I was a victim of injustice perpetrated onto me by the workers in the library.
Mahmood told me: We gave you a fellowship because we discovered you are critical. He then added, but you should be critical with discipline. I told Mahmood that in whatever I do, I am guided by the golden rule. I had a bible and opened Luke 6:31 and then Matthew 7:12. I told Mahmood that the golden rule cuts across all faiths and I offered to give him the details if he so wished. He told me me unfortunately "your fellowship was given to a lady who hitherto had not been admitted"

The Semester was opening if I recall properly on 6th January (if that was the first Monday of the month) and he rescheduled our next meeting for the Tuesday that followed and he himself had established that Prof. John-Jean Barya was my mentor, then I had told him of what I had gone through and told him how Dr. Simon Rutabajuuka had prescribed me the medicine, so he said Jean-Barya, Simon Rutabajuuka and Lawyer Kafureeka would attend. I suggested it would have been better to invite Prof Charles Bwana and Archangel Rukooko for they had been my referees. He accepted but it turns out he never invited the rest but good enough he invited Barya and Lawyer. I had no reason to believe that I had lost my fellowship.

Things kept dragging up as this time he demanded that Dr. Sylvia Nshemereiwe be part of the meeting.

The first time we were to meet, I was arrested from the main gate and taken to CPS. The following day, I was told I had jumped bail over the stupid fabrication by Livingstone Sewanyana of the Foundation for Human Rights Initiative alleging that I had attempted to rape a one Doreen Namyalo.

Later in February, Dr. Sylvia Nshemerirwe came along with clinical psychologist Rogers Nsereko. They said the disorder I had was unchangeable. Sylvia stated that she was the only psychiatrist with whom we were friends which is very true because I am fully aware she is professional.

Dr Nshemerirwe stated that she has never found it necessary to put me on drugs. Indeed, Sylvia has never ever prescribed for me not a single tegretol, or CPZ or artene for she knows I am not supposed to take any drugs.

HOW AND WHEN DID MY JOURNEY TO BUTABIKA START?

In March 2008, I was invited for a political talk show at the Uganda Broadcasting Corporation (UBC) Television. The theme was "Employment Creation and Protection of Workers rights as a prerequisite for socio-economic development". I had done my internship for a year at NOTU where I was also writing my Master of Human Rights Thesis on "Trade Unions and Defence of Workers' Rights, a case of National Union of Plantation and Agricultural Workers' in Uganda" under the most able supervision of Africa's number one labour lawyer the most amiable John-Jean Barya".

On the show, I was co-hosted with Charles Bakkabulindi, perennial workers' MP and minister Charles Bakabulindi. While I was supposed to present my independent views expecting Bakabulindi to present a case for his constituents, Baka as he is fondly called chose to defend the rotten, filthy, decadent practices of the heartless capitalist system presided over by predator Yoweri Museveni who sadistically derives pleasure through exploitation, dispossession, dehumanisation, degradation and denigration of the masses with the intent to ensure all the money is his like he has in the past said. This means, not even Sudhir Ruparelia that we knew to be the richest man is at the mercy of the man who claims to be a vision monopolist even when it is clear that his vision is blurred.
Lest I digress, I had published two articles in the Monitor in a space of less than three weeks. One was titled "Graft begets graft" and another one was titled, "This women talk is a hoax".

I still remember very well, I had a meeting on Tuesday 8th April 2008 at a restaurant in Workers' House with one of my leading role models but also my capacity builder physically, morally and intellectually Dr. Mesharch W. Katusiimeh currently senior lecturer in the Department of Governance at Makerere University Business School. We agreed that I was going to stand in Ruhinda County which then was represented by Maj. General Kahinda Otafiire.

The following day, on March 9, 2008 I went to Kamwokya Kifumbira Zone to check on my small business that was run by a relative. When I reached there I only found that - they had snatched my business from me. The boyfriend to the said relative picked a panga and threatened to cut me into pieces. Immediately, I called Gen. Kale Kayihura and told him, "Gen. you recently authored a report stating that the level of crime had drastically fallen, but I am here in among your Bafumbira in Kamwokya and they are about to hack me into pieces". Gen Kayihura said, "Why do you say my people?". I said, I know you are an ethnic Mufumbira, you may need to explain to me whether that is criminal". Kale then added, "Come to the headquarters and we meet, I am there". The police headquarters were at Parliament Avenue.

I went and reached there in less than 20 minutes. When I reached, I was physically tormented by the police at the gate. I had both Kayihura and his personal assistant's number, they kept tossing me up and down.

Around 2, I went to Human Rights Network -Uganda (Hurinet) and met the national coordinator my very goof friend Mohammed Ndifuna. I explained to him what had happened and asked whether there could be any quick positive intervention to help me. That day I never saw the police, never arrested the guy that had been a threat to my life so I went home in Ntinda and slept.

Very early in the morning, on Thursday 10, there was a function I was to attend at Makerere University but then chose to first go to radio one studio to explain my situation.

I boarded a taxi from Ntinda heading to town. At Wandegeya, a lady alighted out of the taxi and paid a Sh 1000 note. The conductor refused to give her the balance of 500. The lady definitely became livid. I asked the conductor, "Why can't you give her her money", both the conductor and the driver turned their wrath against me. When we reached Watoto, they told me to get out of the taxi I said yes. They told me to pay their fair which I think was at least less than 1000, I said you have forced me out of the taxi before reaching my destination, I will not pay you.

Immediately there were many people around they carried me while strangled until I reached City Square. I thought after reaching the police station, I would be relieved. Little did I know that all along the regime machinery had always wanted me. I cannot tell whether they had been ordered by Gen Kayihura owing to what had happened the previous day but anything is possible.

When I reached there everyone knew me. I now know they knew me because I was a regime critic on the then popular Kimmezza program aired by Radio One. One of them told me, "So you thought we wouldn't get you". Another one said, "Vincent Nuwagaba there are three four files against you. A file from the president, from the Inspector General of Police, From Hon Otafiire and another one from the minister internal affairs who then was Dr. Livingstone Ruhakana Rugunda". I asked, what charge was to be proffered on me, and whether I could call my lawyers and family". They heard none of that. I had three phones, all of them were taken, I had more than 100 US Dollars, it was taken and I had other things some of which I cannot recall but I will later get documents for I wrote to several stakeholder agencies.

When I reached the CPS dungeon, I was introduced to real torture. I now recall I was arrested and detained on a Thursday. The following day, I was yelling for help. Through the windows, a policeman who happened to have been at Bubangizi SS found me and he became compassionate. He asked me if I had any phone numbers of people he could call. I gave him four numbers that I had off-head. I gave him the number of Hon. Norbert Mao, I gave him that of Hon. Lyandro Komakech, Prof. John-Jean Barya and Alex Kibandama one of the most prominent young city lawyers. My O.B called Prof. John-Jean Barya. Prof Barya came very early on a Saturday. It was my third day in the cells, I was put under solitary confinement (CPS has cells within cells), the police would order the Katikiro's to do me all things they would want. I can't estimate the amount of money that was poured on me.

Now when Prof. Barya arrived at CPS, I do not know the mood in which he was (Barya almost never gets angry). What I suspect is that he could have challenged them on matters of the law. To prove that Uganda Police and stinking impunity are synonyms, being a celebrated professor of law at Makerere University notwithstanding, they blocked him from seeing me. Meanwhile I didn't believe that they could poison me so I ate nothing. It was on Sunday 13, that my brother, friend, OB and neighbour from Rutookye, Nyakatsiro, Bitereko David Tumusingize called my brother Dennis D. Muhumuza and told him of what had happened. Dennis called our other brother Thomas Tayebwa our current MP. Tom as he is commonly known was staying with our brother Bruce Balaba the then chairman Makerere University Convocation and current Chairman Makerere University Appointments Board.

Tom and Bruce wasted no time. They drove to CPS and it was around 8pm that I saw them. I was secluded in a cell within a cell. I will never forget the experience. I don't know what they had poured on the floor that was responsible for the pain I suffered. I have never forgotten such kind of torture.

Meanwhile, for all the time I was in the Cells, I would assure whoever would come including Johnson Bahimbise who then was an Assistant Superintendent of Police and was the officer in charge. I entirely blame everything on Johnson Bahimbise who ironically had studied with Dad Henry Rukundo at Makobore but also whose wife Anna is from our village in Bitereko and was my primary school teacher at Kigarama Primary school in early classes!

Because they knew I had assured them I would report what they had done first to media houses and second, make a formal complaint to the Uganda Human Rights Commission, Bahimbise couldn't release me unconditionally he would be to account for illegal detention, torture and deprivation of liberty. He knew I needed no lawyer for in matters law I have almost been my own laywer. Where all my unpaid lawyers - John-Jean Barya, Asuman Basalirwa, Nicholas Opiyo and Ladislaus Rwakafuuzi helped me is to secure my bond for the police or bail in case I am prosecuted.

So, Bahimbise assured Tom and Bruce Balaba, "If you are not taking him to Butabika, I will not release him". Of course, if they were used to the human rights work like I have always done, the first step would be to go to the Uganda Human Rights Commission or go to court to apply for habeas.

When Tom saw me before he said anything he told me, "Waba otaikirize kuza Butabika tindaza kukwihamu omukihome eki" translated in English he said "If you don't accept to go to Butabika, I will not get you out of these cells". I surely, don't remember whether I said anything to Tom for his first statement was exacerbating the already exacerbated mental anguish and psychological torture.

Bruce on the other hand very nice to me, talked to me very humbly, ensured I ate a nice meal and had a very big bottle of water. On Monday 14th April 2008, Bruce and Tom arrived early enough. Bruce removed the outer shells of the eggs for me, literally fed me and showed me "motherly love" never mind that he is not a woman.(AT THIS STAGE, I HAVE BEGAN SHEDDING TEARS not because of the torture the mafia regime had meted out onto me but because of the realisation that Bruce loved me and has often loved me) . THANK YOU GOD FOR THE GIFT OF BRUCE.

JOURNEY TO BUTABIKA
We set off to Butabika Hospital with Bruce driving and me in the co-driver's seat while Tom and others (I really don't how many police escorts we had for because I was with Bruce already, I was as good as one who was home). In the short journey I was cracking jokes and sharing my plans urgent of which was to formally marry by going to St. Augustine Makerere or Rubaga Cathedral or Our Lady of Africa Mbuya or Christ the King Church) for a formal wedding. I already had a woman (not a wife) called Prisca Kyobutungi. When I reached Butabika, I never expected to be detained in the hospital.

We first met I think PCO Jjuko and we talked. He asked me questions and I explained to him everything. They asked why I was speaking so fast and Bruce told them "Vincent speaks at a fast speed and says a lot of words but he speaks sense through and through".

Because I had been taken by my family (Thomas is my biological brother - note that in our Kikiga culture, you cannot address your uncle's son as cousin but brother. So the term cousin is alien and I never use is). Bruce is also my brother in all ways and people who know us - the Yusuf Kiranda, Ayub L. Kiranda, Gerald K Karuhanga, Salim Mwase, Asuman Basalirwa, Emmanuel Kitamirike, Nabukeera Janet, Magara Bennet, Muhereza Rivan Peter know that Vincent Nuwagaba, Thomas Tayebwa, Bruce Balaba and Gerald Karuhanga are inextricably linked and inseparable. You will not see me in their company where they hang out because for me I am preoccupied with thinking and trying to implement my thoughts. But whenever or wherever we meet we are very much inseparable.

That does not mean that we agree on many things. The essence of comradeship is not the convergency of thoughts, beliefs and aspirations. Rather it is the acceptance of difference and diversity. I always tell people that, "never expect or even attempt to force people to think, say or act the way you do". I go ahead to say, just like we don;t look similar either on face, figure, structural make up, voice and smiles, it is inevitable that people will always disagree.

I am a very funny human creature, people tell me I look like the late Uncle Lt. Theohillus Muhangi (RIP), others say I look like my late Uncle Silver Katwatwa Mutungi when people see my mother Mary Tusingwire (earlier called Maria Katahikire (because she was born a premature) they confirm immediately saying we resemble each other. What I can confirm is that my mother and I are very very stubborn. Stubbornness is not a bad thing. In fact it is very good. Because I am stubborn, when I take a stand, I am harder than a concrete wall. No tool can break me. No amount of threat, persuasion or sweet talking can change my stand.

The reason as to why I am that hard is that I take time to draw conclusions. I cannot draw conclusions before I do a psychological test about a social phenomenon or a human being. For human beings it is easy to do a psychological test on them. If you want to know people, stop praising them, tell them your mind freely but also tell them what you think may annoy them and you see how they react. I confirmed that a Cissy Kagaba, Bishop David Zac Niringiye, Tumwine Patrick and Livingstone Sewanyana were corrupt using a psychological test. For Livingstone it took me ten years to understand him fully. That tells you how sophisticated he is. For the others it took me less than a month. The day I was arrested together with Zac Niringiye at Wandegeya Police station is the day I knew that most people who purport to fight for us are seeking cheap popularity, flattery and self-aggrandisement in monetary aspects.

It took me a very short while to confirm that Mahmood Mamdani is not the kind of intellectual we take him for. I told him that he had in his numerous publications positioned himself as a crusader for justice and a humble human beings with no interest in fiscal property - houses, farms, cars, donkeys and mistresses. In fact, like I have often stated, these are immaterial possessions.

HELL IN BUTABIKA MENTAL HOSPITAL

I expected to come back with Bruce and Tom because surely I know I am not a person of unsound mind and never will I be. People you can succeed calling persons of unsound mind are the naked, people clothed in rags whose source of livelihood is left-overs picked from skip bins or garbage bins. Quite shockingly such people can never be taken for treatment in Mental Hospitals like Butabika.

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4Joel Ntile, Cerela Otero and 2 others

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Kule Birengesyo Eriya so sorry dearest friend

Like · Reply · 7 December at 19:35 · Edited

Muhereza Keneth Bash no weapon formed against you shall prosper. Always tell them that he who that seeks equity must come with clean hands. Am actually sorry for their purgery than your peril.

Unlike · Reply · 1 · 7 December at 20:42

TO FDC, INDEED, I WILL CONTINUE DOING THINGS MY OWN WAY AS LONG AS I KNOW OR EVEN THINK WRONGLY OR RIGHTLY WHAT I AM DOING IS THE RIGHT THING

So true! I am being bombarded by lethal attacks by FDC activists accusing me of siding with Museveni to destroy FDC and render Dr. Kizza Besigye irrelevant.

It is a simple principle that he who alleges proves. In fact one of them - the most vitriolic one Joseph Tumushabe belittled me by saying my value is shillings 700,000. Surely, 700,000 that cannot buy me a second-hand suit?

I don't like to brag because my grandmother Susanna Kirakwende socialised me to be humble, just, fair but most importantly to be very principled. My grandma taught me to invariably be as sturdy as a concrete wall when you take a stand against injustice.

My friend Timothy Kalyegira told me that Ugandans lack nuance patience and organisation. How can a party whose ideology is extortion and merciless dispossession that started 11 years ago targeting elections ever dream to be stronger than the oldest party that is sixty years old with values that it has instilled into every nook and corner of the country premised on the ideology of justice?

It's possible that some people didn't think through the words that they put down in the founding documents but it doesn't mean if they called me the name Judith for instance that is widely believed to be a female name it would make me a woman. That some people wrongly say and think that DP is a centre right party doesn't mean its is. Right wing and left wing politics denote politics based on capitalism and socialism respectively?

I followed intently the FDC primaries that pitted Dr. Besigye and Maj Gen Mugisha Muntu. While I admired both men for I have sat with both of them and admire the humility but also the expressed vision, I chose to support Dr. Besigye never mind that I was not a voter. Personally, I do my work intellectual or otherwise using social media as a tool.

While I am a social justice crusader, socialist and human rights defender, my source of livelihood is academic research. So, I may call myself a researcher but I have been warned never to dare call myself a researcher by some people since I have no PhD.

In a meeting at Makerere Primary School (along the road to Bwaise, forgive me if I got the name wrongly because there is another school up in tank hill called I think Makerere Primary school) preparing for the registration of FDC that Maj Gen Mugisha Muntu and Ingrid Turinawe facilitated, we had Mzee Mawanda (from Ishaka - I forget his first name but his son Giles former Guild President of Mbarara University of Science and Technology and also my former classmate at the Makerere Law School ) argued strongly that we need to form an alliance either an orange democratic movement or rainbow coalition to ensure DP has to pray a key role. Mawanda told us and I want Ingrid or Gen Muntu that he was a DP and as a DP he is stuck to principles of truth and justice but was ready to work with you for purposes of removing Museveni who had become an anathema.

I remember in that meeting I had comrade Sam Mugumya and other then Reform Agenda activists sadly from only Kigezi and Ankole. I asked myself, "is this a tribal meeting?". By all standards the Bakiga and Banyankore are the same people culturally and I even don't know why they would be called different ethnically. Actually when I talk about Banyankole and bakiga the bahororo from Rukungiri are included. I wonder whether there should be an ethnic group called Bahororo when there is no language called Ruhororo. What determines an ethnic group is the language and language is the far most important aspect of culture. Forgive me I lost my SOCIOLOGY notes. I hope my sociology teacher Steven Arojjo will give me a refresher lecture on culture.

Lest I digress, I was incensed that we were forming the first tribal that was engineered at catering not for national interests but interests of an ethnic group called Banyankole-Bakiga and I sensed that was going to be a recipe for disaster.

The other preparatory meeting for the formation of FDC that I attended was at Katonga Road at Chaapa Karuhanga's premises. All the attendants were from Bushenyi but still I didn't believe this where I belonged. Meanwhile, while I was in Reform Agenda I was also in UYD. I remember in the first Reform Agenda meeting where we had elections, we elected Sam Mugumya unanimously but the person who influenced the unanimous election of comrade Mugumya was none other than Asuman Basalirwa. If I am not mistaken Asuman by then was still a DP. I always joke with him that he is still DP in any case the ideology and objectives of JEEMA and those of DP are the same.

It's this very Asuman Basalirwa who had spoken severally that there is nothing wrong with forming parties dominated by particular societies and over time I have seen Dr. Simba Kayunga a political science expert, agree that the predominance of Catholics in DP was inevitable because they had historically been marginalised. Propagandists up to this time brand that wisdom sectarianism. Of course, given that majority Catholics socialised their children to be just, fair and principled as opposed to protestants who socialised theirs to be shrewd, cunning and crafty, if they were to succeed in all aspects of life - politics, business and any others it became imperative that the protestant-based UPC had to use treachery, propaganda and all forms of manipulations and deception to raise to the top.

That explains why DP (derogatorily called Dini Ya Papa lost the independence elections because the Anglican leaning Kabaka Yekka and the Anglican Party UPC which was teasingly called United Protestants of Canterbury made an unholy alliance with the of the father and the son but without the Holy Spirit.

Last year on a presentation of findings about the Uganda elections by a professor from Durham University, where Prof John-Jean Barya was a discussant and Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere gave a review, I was shocked to learn that DP had more votes but was just denied power. That's why the likes of John-Jean Barya and others then had wanted DP to have an armed wing which they wanted to be called DPA (Democratic Party Army).

Semo explained the situation and named people who were at the threat of danger to their lives and he resolved that DP would rather stay out of power. Semo explained how Francis Bwengye the then DP secretary general went to Nairobi and addressed the press saying DP was launching an armed war, a reason that made Ssemogerere fire him from SG position.

With exception of the few renegades from DP notably Ogenga Latigo, Kassiano Wadri (who was Chairman DP Parliamentary caucus), all the key pillars of FDC are products of UPC, UPM and NRM. According to John-Jean, UPC,gave birth to UPM and UPM begat NRM therefore NRM is a grandchild of UPC which has inherited the election-rigging DNA from the grandfather UPC only that the rigging of NRM has been much more perfected.

Since FDC is a great-grandchild of UPC one should not get shocked and surprised if the FDC perfected rigging to the magnitude of Sadam's Iraq.

WHY DO I BELIEVE FDC WILL BE WORSE THAN NRM
While NRM practices capitalism, it has a few voices that still profess socialism, pan Africanism and Ubuntu. At least by speech. People like Elly Gen Elly Tumwine and Kirunda Kivejjinja have consistently decried exploitation, pomp, pageantry and ostentation. Indeed, Gen Elly Tumwine always expresses disdain for phantom wealth, wealth that is not based on eternal values. It is not surprising that Gen Elly Tumwine is the champion of Volunteers Anticorruption Crrusade Africa (VACOCA).

Ugandans should get worried by the continued association by FDC with the Britain's Conservative Party and the IDU which a far-right wing political parties which are diametrically opposed to immigration, social security and the provision of social economic rights generally. In Uganda, the single most role of the state is provision for what Political Scientist Prof. Rotberg calles political goods. Sorry, FDC you don't stand for the provision of political goods at leats based onyour political alignment. An idealistic young man Ronald Muhinda hit my inbox and told me FDC is centre leftist and that is why it belongs to IDU. General Maj Gen Mugisha Muntu, Hon Wafula Oguttu, Hon Augustine Ruzindana, Nathan Nandala-Mafabi, Proscovia Salaamu-Musumba and my very good brother and friend Odonga Otto, please teach your followers your party's ideology. It is Mwambutsya Ndebesa who consistently asks "DP's ideology is justice, UPC Pan-Africanism (although when they were in power it should be debated whether marginalising Catholics was Pan Africanism), Ndebesa asks "What is the ideology of FDC?"

Finally, one point that touches my spiritual family: it is now said everywhere that before the Anglican colonialists left they left in place an arrangement that would ensure no catholic would ever be the president. While I don't want to believe that blindly, I am not judgmental, in otherwise I don't judge people on the basis of rumours spread about them, who they are or on the basis of other misperceptionsms, kindly as FDC, give the party's observation about this rumour which may actually be true.

Explain to us as well whether the ability or absence thereaof to govern (not rule) this country must be dependent on whether and how long you have been associated with Museveni. Like Norbert Mao rightly states " Museveni walked on dead bodies up to state house". Is it not true that Mugisha Maj Gen Mugisha Muntu and Kizza Besigye were Museveni's bodyguards as he walked on those bodies? If we are to apportion responsibility like we are now doing, would Muntu or Besigye or even Amama Mbabazi be accused for complicity. So, why should we trust accessories to the crime and denounce those whose hands are as pure as purity itself.

On a very serous note, the colours of the flags also matter. Things Ugandan are prophetic. I have shared with Norbert Mao the prophecies in Ezekiel and revelations. Green Colour for DP symbolises life while white symbolises purity. Norbert Mao's uncles and maternal brother's and sisters from Ngarama in Isingiro and indeed all of us from Ankole-Kigezi, Toro and Bunyoro know that the DP flag represents amagara noburiwera (life and holiness).
After the 2010 elections, I wrote the prophesy that i had been given by God and took the letter to the Inspector General's office and gave copies to some other people, I hope JK Zirabamuzaale has it. I wrote to the IGP not seeking his permission or even security but informing him that I was taking a non-motional, peaceful protest at the desecrated constitutional square and that it would end after the wicked, demonic, nefarious regime had collapsed and replaced by the holy, anointed theocracy led by the Democratic Party under the godly leadership of Norbert Mao. I was violently picked from there stuck in CPS dungeons for four days. From there they took me to the usual place - Butabika.

While they took me on a Thursday, on Friday JK Zirabamuzale brought me a computer and modem. I sent my column in the Razor Newspaper that was published on Monday or Tuesday. They must have been very shocked!

We must all embrace the crusade for equality, justice by joining the Democratic Party. We are ready. We are endowed with brain power - I am sure nobody disputes the mental faculties of people like Jean-Barya, Oloka-Onyango, Archangel Rukooko and Fredrick Jjuko who are our very own since they have never recanted the principles of truth and justice. I am sure nobody disputes Norbert Mao's mathematical brain. I don't care whether you doubt my scientific mind! After all we are not in a contest for brains but a struggle for justice that will end the rotten, filthy capitalist system.

FOR TRUTH AND JUSTICE

END

VINCENT VESSY Vincent Vessy Nuwagaba
0702843552

vnuwagaba@gmail.com

OPEN LETTER TO THE CHAIRMAN ELECTORAL COMMISSION ENGINEER DR BADRU M. KIGGUNDU

I refer to the letter to the Returning Officer, Mitooma Electoral District referenced LEG 75/79/01 dated 10th December, 2015 entitled “Complaint by Mr. Vincent Nuwagaba on failure to be nominated for the Ruhinda North Parliamentary Seat, Mitooma District”.
The letter goes, “Please find herein attached a copy of a complaint on the above captioned requiring your attention. The Commission will appreciate a response on the concerns raised in regard to the nomination exercise; and further be informed that the Commission will sit to determine the same on Friday 18th December, 2015 at 9.20am, to which you are invited; and by copy of this communication, Mr. Vincent Nuwagaba is hereby invited to attend the said meeting”. The letter was signed by Eng. Dr. Badru M. Kiggundu, chairperson, Electoral Commission and only copied to me. My phone contacts were provided on the letter yet nobody called me.
The letter is written on 10th and it takes 8 days before reaching MISR. What courier company does the EC use?
The meeting is scheduled for 9AM and the letter inviting a complainant to attend the meeting arrives at 1:45. What Mischief did the commission exactly intend to cure?
On Monday 14th I was arrested and detained at Jinja Road Police station. The cause of my arrest was an attempt to go to the EC to demand my right to get nominated. If they had already written the letter on 10th, why didn’t they simply give the letter to me?
I am scheduled to report to police today on charges of common nuisance. Yet I had my head shattered by the police commanded by the OC EC SSP Besigye. What kind of Uganda are we trying to build?
The letter is written to the returning officer and only copied to me. Why wouldn’t they invite Thomas Tayebwa as well because my complaint accused Tayebwa primarily?
The EC was furnished with my phone contacts and email address. In this Millennium three generation, why wouldn’t the commission send me an email, a text message, or make a phone call to me? What sort of institution is Uganda’s “Independent” Electoral Commission? How independent is the IEC? How efficient and effective is the IEC? How fair, impartial and neutral is this institution that is an arbiter in our political contests?
Why doesn’t the IEC chairman put to task the Returning Officer, Mitooma District to document in writing the causes for which he refused to nominate me?
Vincent Vessy Nuwagaba
Parliamentary Aspirant, Ruhinda North
+256702843552/+256772843552
vnuwagaba@gmail.com

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OPEN LETTER TO THE CHAIRMAN ELECTORAL COMMISSION ENGINEER DR BADRU M. KIGGUNDU

Vincent Vessy Nuwagaba‎ to Ruhinda North Think for Our Tomorrow with Hon.tayebwa Thomas.

21 December 2015 · Kampala · 

I refer to the letter to the Returning Officer, Mitooma Electoral District referenced LEG 75/79/01 dated 10th December, 2015 entitled “Complaint by Mr. Vincent Nuwagaba on failure to be nominated for the Ruhinda North Parliamentary Seat, Mitooma District”.
The letter goes, “Please find herein attached a copy of a complaint on the above captioned requiring your attention. The Commission will appreciate a response on the concerns raised in regard to the nomination exercise; and further be informed that the Commission will sit to determine the same on Friday 18th December, 2015 at 9.20am, to which you are invited; and by copy of this communication, Mr. Vincent Nuwagaba is hereby invited to attend the said meeting”. The letter was signed by Eng. Dr. Badru M. Kiggundu, chairperson, Electoral Commission and only copied to me. My phone contacts were provided on the letter yet nobody called me.
The letter is written on 10th and it takes 8 days before reaching MISR. What courier company does the EC use?
The meeting is scheduled for 9AM and the letter inviting a complainant to attend the meeting arrives at 1:45. What Mischief did the commission exactly intend to cure?
On Monday 14th I was arrested and detained at Jinja Road Police station. The cause of my arrest was an attempt to go to the EC to demand my right to get nominated. If they had already written the letter on 10th, why didn’t they simply give the letter to me?
I am scheduled to report to police today on charges of common nuisance. Yet I had my head shattered by the police commanded by the OC EC SSP Besigye. What kind of Uganda are we trying to build?
The letter is written to the returning officer and only copied to me. Why wouldn’t they invite Thomas Tayebwa as well because my complaint accused Tayebwa primarily?
The EC was furnished with my phone contacts and email address. In this Millennium three generation, why wouldn’t the commission send me an email, a text message, or make a phone call to me? What sort of institution is Uganda’s “Independent” Electoral Commission? How independent is the IEC? How efficient and effective is the IEC? How fair, impartial and neutral is this institution that is an arbiter in our political contests?
Why doesn’t the IEC chairman put to task the Returning Officer, Mitooma District to document in writing the causes for which he refused to nominate me?
Vincent Vessy Nuwagaba
Parliamentary Aspirant, Ruhinda North
+256702843552/+256772843552
vnuwagaba@gmail.com

THE DOSSIER THAT KIZZA BESIGYE AUTHORED IN 1999, A DOCUMENT THAT CHANGED NRM FACE FOR GOOD

BY KIZZA BESIGYE

I have taken keen interest and participated in the political activities on the Ugandan scene since the late 1970s. This was during a period of intense jostling to topple and later succeed the Idi Amin regime. I am, therefore, fully aware of the euphoria, excitement and hope with which Ugandans received the Uganda National Liberation Front/Army (UNLF/A).
Ugandans supported the UNLF’s stated approach of "politics of consensus" through the common front. It was hoped that the new approach to politics would be maintained and Uganda rebuilt from the ruins left by the Amin regime. Unfortunately, instead of nurturing the structures, and regulations which bound the front together, we witnessed a primitive power struggle that resulted in ripping the front apart to the chagrin of the population.
Some of us young people were immediately thrown into serious confusion. We had not belonged to any political party before, and we did not approve of the record and character of the existing parties – UPC and DP. Spontaneously, many people started talking of belonging to a Third Force.
This force represented those persons who wished to make a fresh start at political organization, with unity and consensus politics as the centre pin. With a few months left to the 1980 elections, the Third Force crystallized into a new political organization– the Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM).
The population, to a large extent, expressed their appreciation of the ideas and opportunity presented by the young organization, but was pessimistic regarding its electoral success.
Pessimism was justified, because the new organisation simply had no time and resources to organize effectively nationally; and UPC was already positioning itself very loudly and arrogantly to rig the elections and seemed to have what was essential for them to do so successfully.
After the sham 1980 elections, when Paulo Muwanga, a leader of UPC (and chairman of the Military Commission) took over all powers of the Electoral Commission and declared his own election results, there was widespread despondency and tension. While the "minority" DP Members of Parliament took up the opposition benches in Parliament, the rank and file of the party rapidly united behind the new forces of resistance to struggle against the dictatorial rule.
The Popular Resistance Army (PRA and later, NRA) led by Yoweri Museveni which started with about 30 fighters, was overwhelmed by people seeking to join its ranks. The NRM was born as a political organization in June 1981.

It was created by a protocol that effected the merger of Uganda Freedom Fighters UFF (led by the late Prof Y.K. Lule and Museveni’s PRA). The armed wing of the organization became the National Resistance Army (NRA). The NRM political programme was initially based on seven points which were later increased to become the well-known Ten-Point Programme.
The basic consideration in drawing up the programme was that it should form the basis of a broad national political and social force. A national coalition was considered to be of critical importance in establishing peace, security, and optimally moving the country forward.
The political programme was, therefore, referred to as a minimum programme around which different political forces in Uganda could unite for rehabilitation and recovery of the country.

To achieve unity, it was envisaged that the minimum programme would be implemented by a broad-based government. After the bush war, discussions were undertaken with the various political forces to establish a broad-based government that would reflect a national consensus.
The NRM set up a committee led by Eriya Kategeya (then chairman of the NRM Political and Diplomatic committee) for the purpose of engaging the various groups in these discussions. This exercise was, however, never taken to its logical conclusion.
It would appear that once the leaders of the political parties were given "good" posts in the NRM government, their enthusiasm for the discussions waned, and the process eventually fizzled out. In spite of the lack of a proper modus operandi, the initial NRM government (executive branch) was impressively broad-based.
Consensus politics conducted through elections based on individual merit and formation of broad-based government became the hallmark of the NRM.
Broad base undermined
However, the popular concept of the broad-based government, which had also received support of most political groups, was progressively undermined. It ought to be remembered that due to the support and cooperation of other political groups, no legal restrictions were imposed –on political parties until August 11, 1992 when the NRC made a resolution on political party activities in the interim period.
In my opinion, there were three factors responsible for undermining and later destroying the NRM cardinal principle of broad-basedness, especially in appointment to the Executive: The NRM had set itself to serve for a period of four years as an interim government, then return power to the people. However, it was not very clear how this would happen at the end of the four years.
Some politicians in NRM government who came from other political parties set out to use their advantaged positions to, on the one hand, undermine the NRM and on the other, strengthen themselves in preparation for the post-NRM political period. Consequently, they fell out with the NRM leadership, and a number of them were arrested and charged with treason.
Historical NRM politicians who thought that they were not "appropriately" placed in government, blamed this on the large number of the "non-NRM" people in high up places, and set out to campaign against the situation.
They created a distinction between government leaders as "NRM", and "broad-based". If you were referred to as "broad-based", it was another way of saying that you were undeserving of your post, or that you were possibly an enemy agent ("5th Columnist").
After some years of NRM rule, some in the leadership began to feel that there was sufficient grassroots support for the NRM, such that one could "off-load" the "broad–based" elements in government at no political cost.
These factors were at the centre of an unprincipled power-struggle which was mostly covert and hence could not be resolved democratically. It continued to play itself out outside the formal Movement organs, with the results of weakening and eventually losing the concept of consensus politics and broad-basedness. By the time of the Constituent Assembly elections were held in 1994, the NRM’s all encompassing, and broad-based concept remained only in name.
For instance, while the CA electoral law clearly stated that candidates would stand on "individual merit", the NRM Secretariat set up special commercial committees at districts whose task was to recommend "NRM candidates" for support.
Not only did the logistical and administrative machinery of NRM move against the candidates supporting or suspected to be favouring early return to multi-party politics, it even moved against liberal candidates advocating for the initial NRM broad–based concept.
That is why many people were surprised and confused when some senior NRM leaders declared that "we have won!" after the CA results were announced. Who had won? It was clear that there were two systems; one described in the law, and another being practiced.
Moreover, the conduct of the CA, again exhibited the contradictions between the principles of NRM (and the law), and the practice. I was quite alarmed when I read a document titled ‘Minutes Of A Meeting Between H.E The President with CA Group Held On 25.8.94 At Kisozi.’ The copy had been availed to me by my colleague Lt Col Serwanga Lwanga (RIP) who attended the meeting.
Present at the meeting were recorded as: H.E. the President (Chair), Eriya Kategaya, Bidandi Ssali, Steven Chebrot, Agard Didi, George Kanyeihamba. Miria Matembe, Mathias Ngobi, Mr Sebalu, Lt Noble Mayombo, Jotham Tumwesigye, Aziz Kasujja, Beatrice Lagada, Faith Mwonda and Margaret Zziwa.
The introduction of the meeting reads in part as follows: The National Political Commissar introduced this committee as a Constituent Assembly Movement Group which wants to agree on a common position.
　
The arbitrary hand-picked group went ahead to take positions on major areas of the draft constitution, which we members of CA, (considered as "NRM supporters"), were supposed to support in the CA. It is interesting to note that among the 16 hand-picked members of the group, only six were directly elected to represent constituencies in the CA.
The others were presidential nominees and representatives of special interest groups. One member was not even a CA delegate. We strongly resisted this approach, and after intense pushing and shoving, this group was replaced by the "Movement caucus" under the chairmanship of the National Political Commissar, Kategaya.
<p>Changing movement</p>
The Movement caucus acted very much like an organ of a ruling party. All ministers (except Paul Ssemogerere who later resigned from government) were members. The hand-picked group, and the Movement caucus after it, both undermined the principles of the Movement and the law.
The Constituent Assembly was negatively influenced by executive appointments. In the middle of the CA proceedings, a cabinet reshuffle saw Speciosa Kazibwe elevated to the vice presidency, Kintu Musoke to premier and several other delegates appointed to ministerial posts.
Many others were appointed to be directors of parastatal companies. It is my opinion that after these actions, some CA delegates took positions believed to attract the favourable attention of the executive. Most CA delegates also intended to participate in the elections that would immediately follow the CA.
<p>This had two negative effects:</p>
Being aware of the previous role of the NRM Secretariat in elections, some CA delegates would be compromised to act in such a way as to win the support of the secretariat in the forthcoming elections. Some CA delegates saw themselves as the first beneficiaries of the government structure and arrangements that were being constitutionalised.
So, they took positions which would favour them, and not the common good. As a result, the CA progressively became polarized, and its objectivity was diminished, especially when dealing with political systems. For example, at the commencement of the CA, every delegate made an opening statement highlighting major views on the draft constitution.
Analysis of these statements shows that few delegates supported the immediate introduction of multiparty system while the majority supported the continuation of the "Movement system" for a transitional period of varying length.
The positions expressed were very much in line with the views gathered by the Constitutional Commission. The commission noted in its report (paragraph 0.46) that a consensus on the issue could not be attained.
This was demonstrated by the statistical analysis of views gathered from RC 1 to RC V, plus individual and group memoranda. It will be seen that nationally, at RC 1, "Movement" supporters were 63.2% and this percentage decreased progressively as they went to higher RCs until RCV (District Councils) where Movement supporters were only 38.9% and multiparty supporters were 52.8%.
Among the individual memoranda, 43.9% supported a multiparty system, while 42.1% supported Movement. Among the group memoranda, 45.1% supported multiparty, while 41.4% supported Movement. It is important to note that these views were gathered at a time when there was no impending election, and therefore, no campaigning.
Accordingly, the Constitutional Commission proposed the following, as the only limitation on political party activities (in Article 98 of Draft Constitution): "For the period when the Movement is in existence, political parties shall not endorse, sponsor, offer platform to or in anyway campaign for or against any candidate for public office."
The CA under the influences outlined earlier ended up with restrictions contained in the highly contentious article 269 of the Constitution. The character of the Movement gradually changed, and the process of change was not determined democratically. Instead, it was continuously manipulated.
Established Movement organs were continuously undetermined, and others completely ignored. For example, the National Executive Committee (NEC) of NRM was the organ supposed to be coordinating change in the NRM, yet NEC had not met for more than three years prior to the promulgation of the 1995 constitution – in spite of a requirement for it to meet at last once every three months. Instead, covert and arbitrarily constituted groups came in, like district election committees, special CA groups, Movement political High Command, Movement caucus, Maj Kakooza Mutale’s group, etc.
The Movement created by the CA and completed by Parliament (through the Movement Act 1997) was different from the one of 1986-1995.
The Movement Act 1997 created a political organization with structures outside the governmental structure. For the first time, the Movement was a political organization distinct from government, the only remaining link being that it was funded by the government.
Unfortunately, instead of describing the Movement as a political organization, the CA chose to call it a political system – distinct from "Multiparty Political System", and other systems that may be thought of later. This was, in my opinion, a grave error. We even ignored advice given to us through a letter by President Yoweri Museveni (chairman NRM and Commander in Chief NRA) to the CA-NRM caucus delegates, dated June 21, 1995.
In the letter, the chairman says, "the NRM is not a state but a political organization that tries to welcome all Ugandans. It therefore cannot coerce all Ugandans to be loyal to it. Loyalty to NRM is voluntary."
　
The reality of the Movement today is that it is a political organization in much the same way as any political party is. Having no membership cards does not make it less so. In fact, in the letter referred to above, President Museveni further explains: "then some people may ask the question.
If NRM could be already to compete for political office with opposing political forces in future, why not do it now? Do not support doing it now because it is not in the best [interest] of governance and fortunately now the people still agree with us. It is only when the majority of the people change that we have to adjust our position.
It would be something imposed on us by circumstances." So the NRM/Movement system is a convenient and, for the time, popular means to political power.
<p>Manipulation</p>
The characteristics which made the NRM government popular, such as the broad- based strategy, principle of individual merit, and the 10-Point Programme have been seriously eroded. This is evidenced by the bitter antagonism and animosity which exists between Movement supporters in many parts of the country, e.g. Kabale, Ntungamo, Kasese and Iganga.
After more than 13 years of NRM rule, armed rebellion rages on in northern Uganda, and has also become entrenched in the western part of the country. All in all, when I reflect on the Movement philosophy and governance, I can conclude that the Movement has been manipulated by those seeking to gain or retain political power, in the same way that political parties in Uganda were manipulated.
Evidently, the results of this manipulation are also the same, to wit: Factionalism, loss of faith in the system, corruption, insecurity and abuse of human rights, economic distortions and eventually decline. So, whether it’s political parties or Movement, the real problem is dishonest, opportunistic and undemocratic leadership operating in a weak institutional framework and a weak civil society which cannot control them.
I have shown that over the years the "Movement System" has been defined in the law in a certain way, but the leaders have chosen to act in a difficult way. This is dishonest and opportunistic leadership. I have also shown how changes have been made to the Movement agenda, and other important decisions have been made outside the Movement structures.
This too is undemocratic leadership. In my opinion, the way forward in developing a stable political situation is to do the following: Urgently revisit the legal framework with a view to making an equitable law and regulation for all political organizations.
The Movement should be treated as a political organization. Implementing this would need amendments to the Constitution, including amendment of articles 69 and 74. This requires the approval of the people through a referendum and the forthcoming referendum could be used for this purpose. In any case, laws are a reflection of the political will, so if there is political will to correct a situation, finding a way is easy.
The primary guarantor of democracy, human rights and the rule of law must be the civil society. Its capacity should, therefore, be quickly developed. Focus on a programme that could quickly raise the standards of living of our people to a decent level. This is an essential antecedent for our society to build a viable democracy.
Of course, the approach to raising the standards of living is highly debatable. I have personal views that I hope to share with the public at another time. I pray to the almighty God to guide us so that we do not tumble again.
　
KIZZA BESIGYE